English to Rongmei to Hindi

ENGLISH RONGMEI HINDI (Transliteration)

1 A pleasure to meet you. Nangta ariw na zaeng gai e. / आपसे मिलकर खुशी हुई।aap Se miLakar khusii huii.

2 A ticket to Mumbai, please. Nriangluang tuang ticket ti o / रिआंगलुआंग का टिकट चाहिए। (Nriangluang kaa tikat caahiye.)

3 Afternoon Kalaan / दोपहर (Dopahar)

4 Again? Kaluaih mei / फिर से (phir Se)

5 Are you on Facebook? Nang facebook khou bam dai? / क्या आप फ़ेसबुक पर हैं? (kyaa aap facebook par hain?)

6 Aunty Pulao / आंटी (aaNtii)

7 Back / Behind Thei tho / पीछे (piiche)

8 Bill, please. Bill laguang o. / बिल ले आइये। (biL Le aaiye.)

9 Breakfast Lakhuan nap / नाश्ता (NaasTaa)

10 Brother Chai / भाई(bhaiyaa

11 Brother kaina / अन्ना (aNNaa

12 Call the police. Police ta kau lou o / पुलिस को बुलाओ। (puLiS ko buLaao

13 Can I use a credit card? Credit Card la /puni daih? / क्रेडिट कार्ड चलेगा? (kredit kaard caLega

14 Change Kalaihmei / बदलना (baDaLaNaa

15 Defective Gaimak mei / ख़राब (kharaab

16 Do you speak English? Nang English thai daih? / क्या आपको अंग्रेज़ी आती है? (kyaa aapako angrezii aaTii hai?

17 Egg Ruai Duih / अंडा (aNdaa

18 Excuse me / Sorry Kuak lou na ro / माफ़ कीजिये (maaf kiijiye

19 Fever Ramanh mei / बुख़ार (bukhaar

20 Food Nap / खाना (khaaNaa

21 Front Kadaeng / सामने (SaamaNe)

22 Fruit Tingthai / फल (phaL)

23 Give me a smaller / larger size. Daihmei/ thiammei dat lou o. / छोटा / बड़ा नाप चाहिए। (chotaa / badaa Naap caahiye.)

24 Go right. Zat biat tat khang e. / दाएं जाना है। (Daayen jaaNaa hai.)

25 Go straight. Tat ting ding o / सामने / सीधे चले जाइये। (SaamaNe / SiiDHe caLe jaaiye.)

26 How are you? Nang kumh bam tuang? "

क्या हाल है?(kya haal hai?)"

27 How are you? Nang kumh na bam tuang? / आप कैसे /कैसी हैं? (aap kaiSe hain / kaiSii hain?)

28 How do you read this? mi ta kumh na pah khang cho? / इसे कैसे पढ़ेंगे? (iSe kaiSe padhenge?)

29 How far is the next stop? Guangding nimei bam zanh kumh na cho? / अगला स्टॉप कितना दूर है? (agaLaa Staup kiTaNaa Duur hai?)

30 How far is the Taj Mahal? Pabuan Ching saan thao cho? / पबुआन कितनी दूर है? (Pabuan kiTaNii Duur hai?)

31 How long will it take? Kagan zuh dou la puni bo? / कितना वक़्त लगेगा? (kiTaNaa vaqT Lagegaa?)

32 How much? zuh dau tha? / कितना हुआ? (kiTaNaa huaa?)

33 How? KUmhna / कैसे (kaiSe)

34 I Ai / मैं (main) I

35 I am a non-vegetarian. Ai kha-zanh tu de. / मैं मांसाहारी हूँ। (main maanSaahaarii huun.)

36 I am a vegetarian. Ai kha-zanh tumak e. / मैं शाकाहारी हूँ। (main saakaahaarii huun.)

37 I am feeling sick. Ai nau e / मेरी तबियत ख़राब है। (merii TabiiyaT kharaab hai.)

38 I am good. Ai gaina bam de. / मैं ठीक हूँ। (main thiik huun.)

39 I don’t speak Hindi. Ai hindi thai mak ge. / मुझे हिंदी नहीं आती। (mujhe hiNDii nahiin aaTii.)

40 I don’t understand. Ai thai mak ge. / मुझे समझ नहीं आया। (mujhe Samajh Nahiin aayaa.)

41 I don’t want this. Ai hei lazi e / मुझे यह नहीं चाहिए। (mujhe yah Nahiin caahiye.)

42 I have an early morning train. Atuang thuanh lakhuan tuang train e. / मेरी सुबह की ट्रेन है। (merii Subah kii treN hai.)

43 I have lost my passport. Atuang Passport Maan kan the. / मेरा पासपोर्ट खो गया है। (meraa paaSaport kho gayaa hai.)

44 I like Nrianghluang. Ai Nriangluang kahau e. / मुझे रिआंगलुआंग पसंद है। (mujhe riangluang paSaND hai.)

45 I love Rongmei cuisine. Ruangmei nap-gan tugai e. / मुझे रुआंगमेई खाना पसंद है। (mujhe ruangmeu khaana paSaND hai.)

46 I need help. / Please, help me. Ai ta kha lou o / मुझे मदद चाहिए। / कृपया, मेरी मदद कीजिए। (mujhe maDaD caahiye.) / (kripayaa, merii maDaD kiijiye.)

47 I want more chapatis. Akhang tian laguang lou dat na ro. / मुझे और रोटियाँ चाहिए। (mujhe aur rotiyaan caahiye.)

48 I want this. Ai hei lani e. / मुझे यह चाहिए। (mujhe yah caahiye.)

49 In the middle of the Night Ziphwng ganv khou / रात के बीच में (raat ke beech mein)

50 Indian Flat Bread Tian / रोटी (rotii)

51 Inside Kalunh / अंदर (aNDar)

52 Is there any medical store nearby? kadaeng khou pu kai nai puni bo? / क्या पास में कोई दवा की दुकान होगी? (kyaa paaS men koii Davaa kii DukaaN hogii?)

53 It’s a pleasure meeting you. Nang ta aru na neihla the. / आपसे मिलकर ख़ुशी हुई। (aap Se miLakar khusii huyii.)

54 It’s delicious. Mi hei tugai e. / ये बहुत स्वादिष्ट है। (ye bahuT SvaaDist hai.)

55 Large Daih mei / बड़ा (badaa)

56 Left Bai / बाएं (baayen)

57 Less Rau mei / कम (kam)

58 Madam Madam / मैडम (maidam)

59 Medicine Pu / दवा (Davaa)

60 Milk Guaih nau dui / दूध (DuuDH)

61 More Peina / ज़्यादा (zyaaDaa)

62 Morning lakhuan / सुबह (Subah)

63 My name is …………. Azanh ………… e / मेरा नाम …………………. है। (meraa Naam ………….. hai.)

64 Name Zanh / नाम (Naam)

65 New Kathanh / नया (Nayaa)

66 Night Zingmei / रात (raaT)

67 No Kumh mak e / नहीं (Nahiin)

68 Okay Gai the / ठीक है (thiik hai)

69 Old Karaan / पुराना (puraaNaa)

70 One tea / coffee, please. Chha kap khat na ti o. / एक चाय / कॉफ़ी चाहिए। (ek caay / kaufii caahiye.)

71 Outside Paeng / बाहर (baahar)

72 Please Zauzian na / कृपया (kripayaa)

73 Please, change this. Mi kalaih lou o. / इसे बदल दीजिये। (iSe baDaL Dijiiye.)

74 Please, lower the price. Mi tuang man swrau maih lou na o / इसका दाम कम कीजिए। (iSakaa Daam kam kiijiye.)

75 Please, make it less spicy. Maruai/ tingthai sw lou rau o. / तीखा कम रखियेगा। (Tiikhaa kam rakhiyegaa.)

76 Please, say it again. Zauzian na sa-kaluaih dat o. / कृपया, फिर से कहिये। (kripayaa, phir Se kahiye.)

77 Please, speak slowly. Zauzian na zaeng na sa o. / कृपया, धीरे बोलिये। (kripayaa, DHiire boLiye.)

78 Please, write it down. hilou na o. / इसे लिख दीजिये। (iSe Likh Diijiye.)

79 Price Kaman / दाम (Daam)

80 Purse/Wallet Paisa khau / पर्स (parS)

81 Railway station, please. Ai Bus stand/Railway station tat ni e / रेलवे स्टेशन / बस स्टेशन जाना है। (reLave StesaN / baS StesaN jaaNaa hai.)

82 Read? Pa o / पढ़ना (padhaNaa)

83 Rice Nap / चावल (caavaL)

84 Right Zat / दाएं (Daayen)

85 Road Chaeng / सड़क (Sadak)

86 Rupees Paisa / पैसे (paiSe)

87 Sir Sir / सर (Sar)

88 Sister Chailu / बहन (DiiDii)

89 Size Datmei / नाप (Naap)

90 Small Thiam mei / छोटा (chotaa)

91 Speak? Sa o / बोलना (boLaNaa)

92 Spice Maruai / मसाला (maSaaLaa)

93 Straight Ting ding / सीधे (SiiDHe)

94 Sweet Deihmei / मीठा (miithaa)

95 Table for two, please. Gaan kanei e. / दो लोग हैं। (Do Log hain.)

96 Take me to the metro, please. Zauzian na Ai ta Station latat lou o / मुझे स्टेशन ले चलो। (mujhe StesaN Le caLo.)

97 Tell me the correct price. Kaman kei lou na o / सही दाम लगाओ। (Sahii Daam Lagaao.)

98 Thank you Neihla the/ Thuanku the / शुक्रिया (sukriyaa)

99 Thank you Thuanku the / धन्यवाद (DHaNyavaaD)

100 Theft Kaihaumei / चोरी (corii)

101 This stuff has defects. Mi ram ga mak e. / ये सामान ख़राब है। (ye SaamaaN kharaab hai.)

102 Time Kagan / समय (Samay)

103 Turn Kuaih / मोड़ (mod)

104 Turn left. Bai biat tat khang e. / बाएँ मुड़ना है। (baayen mudaNaa hai.)

105 Uncle Puilao / अंकल (ankaL)

106 Vegetable Gan / सब्ज़ी (Sabzii)

107 Water Dui / पानी (paaNii)

108 What is the route to Connaught Place? Pabuan Ching tat khang chaeng kumh mei cho? / पबुआन के लिए कौन-सा रास्ता है? (Pabuan ke Liye kauN-Sa raaSTaa hai?)

109 What’s the price? Kaman zuh dau tha? / क्या दाम है? (kyaa Daam hai?)

110 What’s the time? Khuangh zuh kei tha? / कितने बजे हैं? (kiTaNe baje hain?)

111 What’s your name? Nang zanh kumh na cho? / आपका क्या नाम है? (aapakaa kyaa Naam hai?)

112 When kumhmei gan / कब (kab)

113 Where Kumh tho / कहाँ (kahaan)

114 Where can I get the ticket? Ticket kumh tho phang puni bo? / टिकट किधर मिलेगा? (tikat kiDHar miLegaa?)

115 Where is the police station? Police kai kumh thang cho? / पुलिस चौकी कहाँ है? (puLiS caukii kahaan hai?)

116 Where is the toilet? Zih ka kumh thang cho? / बाथरूम कहाँ / किधर है? (baaTHaruum kahaan / kiDHar hai?)

117 Where should I get off? Ai kumh mei bam khou kei khang cho? / मुझे कहाँ उतरना चाहिए? (mujhe kahaan uTarNaa caahiye?)

118 Where’s the hospital? Hospital Kumh thang cho? / अस्पताल कहाँ है? (aSpaTaaL kahaan hai?)

119 Which side Kumh mei biat / किधर (kiDHar)

120 Yes Nguai / हाँ (hā̃)

121 You Nang / आप (aap)

122 You’re a nice person. Nang gai e / आप बहुत अच्छे / अच्छी हैं। (aap bahuT acahe / acchii hain.)

Understanding Key Terms in Rongmei Culture and Society

The following compilation offers an insight into specialized, uncommon, or culturally significant words and phrases pertaining to the Rongmei community, encompassing their traditional religion (Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak - TRC), aspects of Christianity, social structures, philosophical concepts, and ritualistic practices. These terms are vital for comprehending the unique cultural tapestry and historical evolution of the Zeliangrong people, particularly the Rongmei tribe. They reflect indigenous belief systems, the influence of missionary activities, and foundational principles governing community life and identity.

Religious & Spiritual Terms

This section defines terms central to the traditional Rongmei religion, Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak (TRC), highlighting its supreme deity, worship practices, sacred places, and religious leadership. These terms underscore the intricate spiritual framework that has historically guided the Rongmei people's relationship with the divine and their ancestral traditions. The formal organization of TRC and key figures in its oral tradition are also noted.

Tingkao Ragwang: The supreme creator god in Rongmei traditional religion.¹
Chapriak: Refers to the religious system or the act of worship and religious practice.¹
Kalumki / Kalumkai: The local term for a house of worship or a sacred place where religious rites are performed.¹
Duigan Chakmei: A small offering of water made to the deity, signifying devotion.¹
Maku Banru: A significant traditional sacrificial ritual, often involving specific animals or items.¹
Taarang Kai Shumei: Another form of major traditional sacrifice, distinct from Maku Banru but serving similar ceremonial purposes.¹
Khammei Luh: The final hymn or farewell song typically sung during TRC worship services.¹
Sindoor / Khaam Nimmei: A sacred red mark applied to the forehead after worship, symbolizing blessings or participation.¹
Amhang, Tenglam, Tingpurengsonnang: Various traditional diviners or prophets who interpret divine will or foresee events.¹
Tingalapu, Thongrammang, Tingtranpu: Additional names referring to specific religious figures or diviners within the traditional system.¹
TRC (Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak): The official, formalized name of the indigenous Rongmei religion, representing its organized structure.¹
Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Phom: The religious organization responsible for governing and promoting TRC.¹
Zeliangrong Rachapriak Phom: The former name of the Tingkao Ragwang Chapriak Phom, indicating a historical change in nomenclature.¹
Chaoba Kamson: An authority frequently cited for his knowledge of Zeliangrong oral tradition and cultural heritage.¹

Christianity-Related Terms

This category introduces terms associated with the advent and practice of Christianity among the Rongmei. It highlights key figures in its introduction, the primary organizational bodies, and fundamental concepts within the Christian faith as they pertain to the community. These terms reflect the dual religious landscape that exists in the region, with Christianity being a significant faith alongside traditional practices.

William Pettigrew: Recognized as the first Christian missionary to reach Manipur in 1894, playing a foundational role in introducing Christianity to the region.²
Rongmei Naga Baptist Association (RNBA): The main Baptist Christian body specifically serving the Rongmei community.²
Zeliangrong Baptist Church Council (ZBCC): A broader Baptist council encompassing the Zeliangrong tribes, fostering unity among different sub-tribes within the Baptist faith.²
Evangelist: A person dedicated to preaching and promoting the Christian gospel, often involved in missionary work or outreach.²
Theologian: An individual who engages in the systematic study of religious doctrine, beliefs, and practices.²
Baptism: A Christian sacrament symbolizing spiritual cleansing, initiation into the Christian faith, and public declaration of belief.²
Offering: Monetary contributions or symbolic gifts given to God during Christian worship services.²
Choir Master: A person responsible for leading the singing of hymns and other musical aspects in Christian church services.²

Anthropological & Social Terms

This section details terms crucial for understanding the social identity, customary practices, and community dynamics of the Zeliangrong people, with a focus on the Rongmei. It covers tribal classifications, traditional governance, and concepts related to cultural preservation and social development. These terms shed light on the structural and communal aspects of Rongmei life.

Zeliangrong: A collective tribal identity comprising the Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei tribes, emphasizing their shared heritage.³
Rongmei: One of the major constituent tribes within the broader Zeliangrong identity.³
Customary rites: Rituals and practices meticulously followed according to established traditional customs and norms.³
Oral tradition: The invaluable method of passing down knowledge, history, myths, and cultural practices verbally from one generation to the next.³
Freedom fighters: A specific reference to Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, revered leaders who spearheaded resistance against colonial rule in the region.³
Cultural heritage: The enduring legacy of cultural practices, beliefs, values, and traditions inherited and preserved by a community.³
Village authority: The traditional governing body or leadership structure at the local village level, responsible for local administration and justice.³
Dormitory admission: A significant social ritual in traditional Rongmei society, often marking the entry of young individuals into specific age-grade systems or community roles.³
Social welfare: Refers to community services and initiatives aimed at improving the health, well-being, and living standards of people.³
Women and child programs: Development initiatives, particularly within Christian missions, focusing on the welfare and empowerment of women and children.³
Community solidarity: The strong sense of unity, cohesion, and mutual support that binds members within the tribe or a specific religious group.³

Legal, Philosophical & Human Rights Terms

This segment introduces terms from legal philosophy and human rights discourse, providing context for discussions on rights, justice, and cultural perspectives within the Rongmei context. These terms are used to analyze the interplay between universal human rights principles and specific cultural values.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR): The foundational human rights document adopted by the United Nations in 1948, setting a common standard of achievements for all peoples and all nations.⁴
Natural law: A philosophical concept asserting that certain rights and moral values are inherent, universal, and discoverable through reason, independent of human laws.⁴
Human dignity: The intrinsic worth and value of every human being, serving as a foundational principle for human rights.⁴
Moral vision: A culturally grounded understanding and perspective of right and wrong, shaping a community's ethical framework.⁴
Equality of opportunity: A core principle of fairness in social systems, advocating that individuals should have equal chances to succeed regardless of background.⁴
Cultural relativism: The view that beliefs, values, and practices are products of specific cultures and should be understood within their own context, not judged by external standards.⁴
Universalism: The idea that certain rights, values, or moral principles apply to all people across all cultures, irrespective of their specific cultural backgrounds.⁴
Legal sanction: Official approval or permission granted by law, or a penalty imposed for breaking a law.⁴
Normative value: A standard, rule, or principle that is used to evaluate or guide behavior, institutions, or systems.⁴
Subjective vs. Objective rights: Distinctions in legal philosophy concerning whether rights originate from an individual's moral sense or internal conviction (subjective) versus deriving from external institutions, laws, or universal principles (objective).⁴

Worship Practices & Ritual Objects

This section outlines specific elements and objects used in both traditional Rongmei worship and Christian practices. These terms provide concrete examples of how religious beliefs are expressed through rituals and ceremonial items.

Sacred wine: Utilized in offerings to Tingkao Ragwang in traditional Rongmei religious ceremonies.⁵
Lighting of candles and agarbatti (incense): Ritual elements common in both traditional Rongmei and Christian worship practices, signifying reverence and prayer.⁵
Prayer songs / Hymns: Sung expressions of devotion, praise, and theological beliefs, integral to both traditional and Christian services.⁵
Sacrificial offerings (cock or pigeon): Specific animals commonly used in traditional Rongmei rites to appease deities or seek blessings.⁵
Altar: A sacred platform or raised structure used for placing offerings and conducting prayers in both traditional and Christian contexts.⁵
Divine revelation: Communication believed to originate from a deity to humans, often guiding religious practices or beliefs.⁵
Ragaidai, Bamzoujangmei (Kimei): Specific traditional rituals conducted to address unnatural or supernatural events, or to ward off negative influences.⁵

¹ Information synthesized from common knowledge of Rongmei traditional religion and its organizational structure.

² Information based on the history of Christianity in Manipur and the formation of Baptist bodies among the Rongmei.

³ Information derived from the established understanding of Zeliangrong identity, customary laws, and historical figures.

⁴ Definitions are standard interpretations of legal and philosophical terms.

⁵ Practices and objects are based on general knowledge of ritual components in traditional and Christian worship.

Zeliangrong United Front Condemns NSCN-IM Atrocities, Calls for Truth and Unity

Noney, July 30, 2025 – The Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF) has released a strongly worded statement today, condemning what it describes as continuous atrocities and targeted violence by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM). The ZUF appealed to the public to disregard provocative social media narratives and instead uphold truth, peace, and unity.

Allegations of Targeted Violence and Human Rights Abuses

The ZUF reiterated its unwavering commitment to defending the rights, identity, and common cause of the Zeliangrong kindred people. The Front expressed serious concern over alleged extrajudicial killings, torture, and human rights abuses committed by NSCN-IM and its affiliated units against Zeliangrong youth, cadres, and civilians. They emphasized that despite repeated efforts for peace and mutual understanding, the NSCN-IM has perceived the ZUF's goodwill as weakness, leading to the suppression of Zeliangrong rights and movement.

The statement detailed several harrowing incidents, including:

The killings of Captain Alan (Phalong Village), Captain Akhuam (Ritiang Village), and Angaipou Gangmei (Dailong Village).
The deaths of Private Muanjang Pamei (Bamgaijang Village) and Private Chingjuan Balang (Kabui Khullen).
The rape and murder of Lunglailu Gangmei (Reangjan/Reangzang Village) near the Bangladesh-Mizoram border in 2004.
The killing of trainees at NP Battalion (Bunning).
The brutal murder of Athuan Abonmai (former president of Zeliangrong Baudi (AMN)) in 2021.
The shooting death of Pouluathui Maringmei, a blind elderly civilian, in his home on suspicion of NNC affiliation, which the ZUF highlighted as a "stark example of the inhumane treatment."

The ZUF also raised alarm over the recent mysterious disappearance of Captain Jiandai Kamei of Ruangdai Village, who was serving in the Wung Tangkhul Region. The Front stressed that the truth behind such incidents must be revealed without delay, and those responsible held accountable under the law.

Insecurity and Authoritarianism within NSCN-IM

The ZUF voiced deep concern over growing insecurity within NSCN-IM ranks, stating that many Zeliangrong cadres and leaders have endured harsh and unjust treatment, including physical and mental torture, false allegations, and even executions, often without transparent investigations. These actions, the ZUF alleged, reflect a deliberate pattern of persecution, fostering fear, mistrust, and alienation among Zeliangrong members within the NSCN-IM organization.

Criticizing NSCN-IM's "Naga socialism," the ZUF described it as an authoritarian rule enforced by arms and dominated by a majority mindset. This, they claimed, has worsened internal divisions among Naga communities, with the Zeliangrong people suffering disproportionately through repeated losses, discrimination, and targeted violence.

Call for Peace and Warning of Future Confrontation

Acknowledging the region's painful political history, the ZUF emphasized the need for corrective steps to prevent further discord. The statement called for NSCN-IM to withdraw all offensive confrontations against the Nagas, particularly the Zeliangrong people. The ZUF warned that failure to do so could lead to renewed confrontations within Naga society.

News Source: e-pao

Zeliangrong Group Accuses NSCN-IM of Sustained Violence and Discrimination

Imphal, July 30, 2025 – The Zeliangrong United Front (ZUF), an armed organization, has issued a strong condemnation of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Isak Muivah (NSCN-IM), accusing it of years of targeted violence, discrimination, and persecution against the Zeliangrong people and their cadres within the NSCN-IM ranks. The ZUF reaffirmed its commitment to protecting the rights and identity of the Zeliangrong kindred tribes.

In a public statement, the ZUF asserted its unwavering dedication to the Zeliangrong people's cause, despite persistent opposition and challenges. Describing itself as a people's movement driven by a deep sense of identity and love for its communities, the Front claimed that NSCN-IM has disregarded peace efforts, exploiting ZUF's goodwill.

The ZUF detailed numerous alleged incidents where NSCN-IM members or factions purportedly tortured, falsely implicated, or executed Zeliangrong youth, cadres, and civilians without due process. Specific cases cited include:

The killings of 'Captain' Alan of Phalong village, 'Captain' Akhuam of Ritiang, and Angaipou Gangmei of Dailong.
The death of 'private' Muanjang Pamei of Bamgaijang in 2012.
The custodial death of 'private' Chingjuan Balang alias Rejoice in 2005.
The 2004 rape and killing of Lunglailu Gangmei near the Bangladesh-Mizoram border.
Deaths of trainees at NP Battalion (Bunning) under the command of Col Standhope.
The 2021 murder of prominent Zeliangrong social activist and former Zeliangrong Baudi (AMN) president Athuan Abonmai.
The killing of an elderly blind civilian, Pouluathui Maringmei, on suspicion of affiliation with NNC, which the ZUF described as an act of "total inhumanity."

Expressing grave concern over the recent disappearance of NSCN-IM cadre 'Captain' Jiandai Kamei alias Thomas of Ruangdai village, the ZUF demanded an immediate investigation into his whereabouts and called for accountability for those responsible. The Front criticized the perceived "continued silence and inaction" from within the Zeliangrong community regarding such incidents, warning that indifference would only foster deeper distrust.

The ZUF further alleged that Zeliangrong cadres within NSCN-IM face increasing insecurity, mental and physical torture, false accusations, and unjust punishments without proper investigation or transparency. This, they claimed, creates an atmosphere of alienation and suspicion within the group.

The Front also criticized NSCN-IM's "Naga socialism" philosophy, describing it as resembling authoritarian rule enforced by force and majority dominance. They warned that these tactics are creating profound divisions within Naga society, with Zeliangrong people bearing an "unbearable" burden of discrimination and suffering.

The statement concluded by emphasizing that the ZUF emerged from a desire to assert the Zeliangrong people's historical and political rights and to determine their own future, both within the framework of Naga nationalism and the Indian Union. The ZUF warned NSCN-IM that continued "offensive confrontation" could lead to "defensive war of confrontation within and among the Nagas."

Finally, the ZUF urged the public to disregard provocative social media narratives and reiterated its commitment to maintaining an equidistant understanding with all organizations, whether civil or military, while striving for peace and harmony in the region.

Source: E-pao

NOTICE by The Rongmei Naga Youth Organisation Manipur (RNYOM-NTL)

The Rongmei Naga Youth Organisation Manipur (RNYOM-NTL) has issued a stringent notice regarding the movement of commodities and vehicles, particularly concerning supplies intended for other communities, specifically the Kuki tribe, and advising against night-time travel for transporters. This directive follows a resolution adopted at a recent joint tribes consultation meeting.¹

RONGMEI NAGA YOUTH ORGANISATION MANIPUR NTAYPHAY LUANGRIAN/FOOTHILLS (RNYOM-NTL) Head Office: Tamenglong H.Qr. Liaison Office: Siangai Namdai Contact: 6009991112 Ref. No. RNYOM/NT-08-25

Date: 25-07-2025

NOTICE

In accordance with Resolution No. 4, adopted during the Joint Tribes Consultation Meeting held on July 23, 2025, at Siangai Namdai/Parengba, all owners of commercial vehicles, irrespective of type, are hereby strictly informed. Authorized personnel or volunteers will conduct intensified frisking and checking of commodities at any given point in time, specifically targeting goods intended for supply to other communities, particularly the Kuki tribe.²

Should any transporter(s) be apprehended or caught in violation of this directive, they shall be held liable for appropriate action as deemed fit by the authorities, which will include the mandatory payment of a fine amounting to ₹50,000/- (Rupees Fifty Thousand).³

Furthermore, passengers, and especially transporters/drivers, are strongly advised to refrain from venturing out during the wee hours of the night, taking into serious consideration the prevailing and developing security scenario. Any defaulters found in violation of this advisory will be subject to interrogation, and if deemed necessary, appropriate penalties will be imposed.⁴

Information Secy. RNYOM-NTL

Source

Footnotes:

¹ This introductory sentence frames the notice within its organizational context and purpose. ² The core directive regarding the checking of commodities for the Kuki tribe and the potential for apprehension of transporters is derived directly from the notice. See: Rongmei Naga Youth Organisation Manipur (RNYOM-NTL), "Notice," July 25, 2025. ³ The specific fine amount of ₹50,000/- for non-compliance is a direct quote from the notice. See: Rongmei Naga Youth Organisation Manipur (RNYOM-NTL), "Notice." ⁴ The advisory against night-time travel and the consequences for defaulters are stated precisely as per the original document. See: Rongmei Naga Youth Organisation Manipur (RNYOM-NTL), "Notice."

14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament 2025

The Zeliangrong people, indigenous to the Northeast Indian states of Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland, are set to commemorate the enduring legacy of their revered spiritual and political leader, Haipou Jadonang, through the 14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament 2025.¹ This annual event, organized by the Zeliangrong Football Association (ZFA), transcends mere sport, serving as a powerful symbol of unity, cultural pride, and collective remembrance for the Zeliangrong community spread across these three states.²

The tournament is slated to kick off on October 11, 2025. This year, the grand opening ceremony and initial matches, along with the conclusive closing ceremony and final game, will be held at the prominent Khuman Lampak Main Stadium in Imphal East. This choice of venue underscores the significance and scale of the event for the Zeliangrong community. The subsequent league and knock-out rounds will utilize the SAI Football Grass Ground and Turf Ground, NERC Takyel, also in Imphal, ensuring high-quality playing surfaces for the participating teams.³

In a testament to the growing stature of the tournament, substantial cash prizes have been announced for the winning teams. The champions of this year's edition will be awarded an impressive INR 2 lakh, accompanied by a prestigious trophy. The runners-up team will also receive a significant INR 1 lakh and a trophy, incentivizing fierce but fair competition. Beyond the top two teams, the tournament recognizes excellence in other aspects of play and conduct, with awards for the "Best Disciplined Team" and "Best Parade Team" for group participants. Individual accolades will include "Best Player," "Best Keeper," and "Top Scorer," each accompanied by a cash prize of INR 20,000 and INR 10,000 respectively, along with a trophy.⁴

The invitation to participate extends to every Zeliangrong village youth club across Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland, fostering a sense of pan-Zeliangrong unity and healthy competition. Each eligible club is entitled to sponsor not more than one team for the prestigious tournament, ensuring broad representation from the community.⁵

Administrative details for participation have also been released. Entry forms will be made available from August 18 to September 20, 2025, on all working days, excluding Sundays. The deadline for the submission of these completed entry forms is September 27, 2025. Interested Zeliangrong village youth clubs can collect their entry forms from the ZFA's head office located at Kakhulong, Paona Bazar, Imphal, during specified office hours between 11 AM and 4 PM. A nominal entry form fee of INR 1,000 has been set, with a registration fee of INR 5,000 for this year's tournament, covering organizational costs and prize money.⁶

This annual football event not only showcases the athletic talent within the Zeliangrong community but also serves as a crucial platform for cultural exchange and reinforcement of shared identity among the youth from different geographical regions. By commemorating Haipou Jadonang, the tournament perpetuates the memory of a leader who fought for Zeliangrong self-determination and cultural preservation, solidifying his place in the collective consciousness of his people.⁷

Sources:

¹ The tournament's name directly honors Haipou Jadonang, a key figure in Zeliangrong history and religion. See: Arkotong Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India (Bloomsbury Academic, 2010), 50-55. ² The Zeliangrong Football Association (ZFA) organizes this event to promote unity and cultural pride within the community across different states. See: EMN, "14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament to kick off on October 11," The Sangai Express, Chronicle News Service via e-pao.net, published July 29, 2025. ³ Specific details regarding the start date (October 11) and the venues (Khuman Lampak Main Stadium, SAI Football Grass Ground and Turf Ground) are from the provided news release. See: EMN, "14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament." ⁴ Information on the cash prizes (INR 2 lakh for winners, INR 1 lakh for runners-up) and various individual/group awards are clearly outlined in the tournament's announcement. See: EMN, "14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament." ⁵ The invitation criteria for Zeliangrong village youth clubs from Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland, along with the "not more than one team" rule, are part of the participation guidelines. See: EMN, "14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament." ⁶ Details on the entry form issuance and submission dates (August 18 to September 20, closes September 27), collection location (Kakhulong, Paona Bazar, Imphal), office hours, and fees (INR 1,000 entry form, INR 5,000 registration) are practical information for participants. See: EMN, "14th Jadonang Memorial Football Tournament." ⁷ The broader significance of the tournament for cultural exchange, youth engagement, and perpetuating Jadonang's legacy is an interpretation of the event's underlying purpose. See: General analyses of sports tournaments in indigenous communities for cultural preservation.

Heraka

The Zeliangrong people of Northeast India are adherents of a significant indigenous religion known as Heraka. The term "Heraka" itself is derived from the Zemei language, a dialect spoken by one of the Zeliangrong constituent tribes, and translates to "pure and not impure," encapsulating the core theological principle of the faith.¹ Dr. Arkotong Longkumer's extensive research, particularly in his work Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India, delves deeply into this religious movement, highlighting its complexities and its profound impact on Zeliangrong identity. He notes that while the name "Heraka" solidified in 1974, the movement's roots trace back to the late colonial period.²

Image: Wikipedia

The fundamental ideology of Heraka revolves around the veneration of Tingwang, identified as the supreme deity. This emphasis on a singular, ultimate God, which represents a shift towards monotheism, is a central tenet of the Heraka reform. It specifically advocates for the avoidance of elaborate and costly blood sacrifices traditionally associated with smaller, localized deities (referred to as Paupaise ancestral worship in Longkumer's analysis).³ Longkumer explains that this move away from traditional sacrificial practices, often tied to agricultural cycles, was not merely a theological shift but also had significant economic and social implications, particularly in the context of agricultural shortages and famines prevalent in the 1930s.⁴

In the Zeliangrong belief system, Heraka is often perceived not as a radical departure from their traditional practices but rather as a rational enhancement and a form of indigenous revitalization. The core concept of worshiping only Tingwang introduces a clear monotheistic framework, fostering a sense of unity and collective understanding within the community, thereby promoting peace and love among adherents. The religion strongly encourages moral virtues such as love for parents, self-discipline, and truthfulness, contributing to a disciplined and harmonious social fabric.⁵

Tingwang is revered as the omnipotent creator of the universe, responsible for all natural elements including the Sun, Moon, stars, Earth, water, and air, as well as all living beings—humans and animals alike. This supreme deity is considered eternal, omnipresent, omniscient, and omnipotent, possessing ultimate authority and knowledge. The belief system posits that steadfast adherence to the authentic principles of Heraka will lead to divine blessings in this life and ultimately secure entry into the Kingdom of God for virtuous souls in the afterlife.⁶

The significant reformation within Heraka was initiated by Haipou Jadonang, a pivotal 20th-century prophet, who introduced crucial changes to pre-existing traditional practices of the Zeliangrong. The movement, later carried forward by Rani Gaidinliu, evolved towards the abolishment of animal sacrifices in favor of a more devotional and direct form of worship.⁷ Longkumer notes that the adoption of Heraka offered practical appeal, allowing for changes not only in cosmological systems but also in property regimes and social structures. The Kalumki, a dedicated house of worship, plays a central and symbolic role in the religion, embodying purity and serving as the primary nexus for communal connection with Tingwang. This sacred space became essential in defining the Heraka as a distinct religious community.⁸

Heraka observes various festivals throughout the year, deeply intertwined with agricultural cycles and traditional lunar calendars. These vibrant celebrations are not merely festive occasions but also significant periods of collective prayer, thanksgiving for harvests, and expressions of community unity. Key events in the Heraka calendar include the New Year celebration, rituals marking the seed sowing season, festivals for new crop harvesting, and year-ending ceremonies, all reflecting their agrarian lifestyle and spiritual connection to the land.⁹

The religion also incorporates a complex belief in rebirth, where the souls of those who lived virtuously are believed to progress towards the "Kingdom of God," a state of eternal liberation. Conversely, the souls of those who engaged in malevolent actions are believed to undergo continued cycles of rebirth, emphasizing the karmic consequences of one's deeds. This focus on the cyclical nature of existence and the aspiration for eternal liberation and salvation in the afterlife underlines Heraka's profound philosophical depth.¹⁰

Overall, Heraka stands as a religion profoundly embedded in the Zeliangrong culture, characterized by its emphasis on purity, a distinctive monotheistic approach to the supreme deity Tingwang, and a strong moral code. It has undergone significant evolution, initially guided by the visionary teachings of spiritual leaders like Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, and later formalized. Longkumer's analysis reveals Heraka not just as a religious reform but also as a "complex site of negotiation of a range of competing claims, anxieties, and tensions," particularly as it navigates its unique position as a non-Christian, non-Hindu indigenous faith amidst broader Naga Christian nationalism and Indian Hindu nationalism.¹¹ It continues to shape the lives, beliefs, and identity of the Zeliangrong people, serving as a dynamic force in their ongoing cultural narrative.

Bibliography:

Longkumer, Arkotong. Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India. Bloomsbury Academic, 2010.
Longkumer, Arkotong. "Religious and Economic Reform: The Gaidinliu Movement and the Heraka in the North Cachar Hills." South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, no. 3 (2007): 499-515.
"Zeliangrong." Wikipedia. Accessed July 29, 2025.

Footnotes:

¹ The origin and meaning of "Heraka" are fundamental to understanding the religion. See: Arkotong Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India (Bloomsbury Academic, 2010), 1.

² The formal establishment of the name and the movement's historical trajectory are key insights from Longkumer's research. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 1.

³ The monotheistic focus on Tingwang and the rejection of blood sacrifices to "small gods" are central tenets. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 78-80; Arkotong Longkumer, "Religious and Economic Reform: The Gaidinliu Movement and the Heraka in the North Cachar Hills," South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, no. 3 (2007): 500.

⁴ Longkumer connects the religious reform to broader socio-economic contexts. See: Longkumer, "Religious and Economic Reform," 504-505.

⁵ The understanding of Heraka as a rational enhancement and its promotion of moral virtues are core aspects of the faith. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 90-95.

⁶ The attributes and role of Tingwang as the supreme creator are foundational to Heraka theology. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 85-88.

⁷ The role of Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu in initiating and continuing the reform, particularly the abolition of animal sacrifices, is well-documented. See: Longkumer, "Religious and Economic Reform," 500-501.

⁸ The practical implications of Heraka's adoption and the significance of the Kalumki in defining religious community are explored by Longkumer. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 95-98; Longkumer, "Religious and Economic Reform," 505.

⁹ The connection of festivals to agricultural cycles and their social function are characteristic of indigenous religions. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 100-105.

¹⁰ The belief in rebirth and its implications for moral conduct and salvation are integral to Heraka's worldview. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 88-90.

¹¹ The nuanced position of Heraka amidst competing identities is a significant argument in Longkumer's thesis. See: Longkumer, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging, 157-160.

This the Book online: Buy it through Affiliated Link about Heraka and Rani Gaidingliu by Dr Arkotong Longkumer from Amazon.

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Welcome to the Rongmei/Nruanghmei World: An Introduction

Welcome, dear readers, to rongmeinaga.blogspot.com! This blog is envisioned as a dedicated space to explore, celebrate, and preserve the profound heritage of the Rongmei, also increasingly known as the Nruanghmei, people. Through these pages, we embark on a journey into the heart of an indigenous community that has significantly shaped the cultural and historical tapestry of Northeast India. From their ancient origins and vibrant traditions to their valiant struggles for identity and autonomy, and their contemporary presence in the interconnected "internet world," this blog aims to be a comprehensive resource and a platform for dialogue.

e.pao.net

In this introductory document, we will lay the groundwork for understanding the Rongmei/Nruanghmei tribe in its multifaceted glory. We will delve into their nomenclature, geographical spread, and cultural distinctiveness, while also situating them within the broader context of the diverse Naga tribes. Central to our narrative will be the extraordinary lives of Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, two seminal figures whose spiritual leadership and fierce resistance against colonial rule profoundly impacted their people and the larger Indian freedom struggle. Finally, we will reflect on the role of this blog and digital platforms in general in preserving, promoting, and sharing indigenous knowledge in the modern era.

The Rongmei/Nruanghmei Tribe: Identity and Heritage

The Rongmei, or Nruanghmei, tribe stands as a vibrant indigenous community, deeply rooted in the cultural landscape of Northeast India. Their primary settlements are found across the states of Assam, Manipur, Nagaland, and Tripura, with a significant presence also extending into neighboring Myanmar. As one of the major tribes within the larger Naga ethnic group, their history is one of resilience, cultural richness, and a continuous assertion of identity.

Names and Nomenclature: A Journey of Identity

The most commonly recognized name for this community is "Rongmei." However, the tribe's traditional name, from which "Rongmei" is derived, is "Maruangmei," meaning "People from the South." This ancient designation is a testament to their historical migration patterns and their deep connection to their ancestral lands, reflecting a geographical origin that shaped their identity¹.

Over centuries, and influenced by linguistic variations and regional interactions, the tribe has come to be known by a multitude of spellings and alternative names. These variations not only highlight the linguistic diversity within the community but also narrate a complex history of external perceptions and internal self-identification. The various forms include:

Nroungmei
Kabui
Kabui Naga
Maruongmai
Nruanghmei
Nruanghmei Naga
Nruangmei
Nruangmei Naga
Rongmai
Rongmei
Katcha Naga
Zeliangrong Naga

In contemporary discourse, particularly among scholars and community leaders advocating for linguistic and cultural preservation, the name "Nruanghmei" is increasingly emphasized. This push is more than a mere linguistic adjustment; it signifies the tribe's proactive assertion of its unique identity and a concerted effort to safeguard its distinct language and cultural heritage in an ever-evolving world. It represents a commitment to maintaining their distinctiveness while embracing the opportunities of modernity².

Geographical Distribution: A Spread Across Landscapes

The Rongmei/Nruanghmei people are primarily concentrated in the southwestern districts of Manipur, particularly Tamenglong and Noney, and parts of Imphal Valley. Their presence also extends into the Peren district of Nagaland and the Cachar district of Assam, with smaller populations in Tripura and across the international border in Myanmar. This geographical spread has contributed to the regional variations in their nomenclature and cultural practices, while maintaining a core shared identity.

Cultural Overview: A Tapestry of Traditions

The Rongmei/Nruanghmei culture is a vibrant tapestry woven with rich traditions, agricultural practices, and a strong sense of community. Their cultural expressions are diverse and deeply meaningful:

Festivals: Their calendar is marked by numerous festivals, often tied to agricultural cycles, reflecting their agrarian lifestyle. These celebrations are characterized by communal feasts, traditional dances, and songs that narrate their history and myths.
Dances: Traditional dances, performed in colorful attire, are central to their cultural identity. These dances are not merely entertainment but are imbued with spiritual significance, storytelling, and social cohesion.
Handicrafts: The Rongmei are skilled artisans, known for their intricate weaving, pottery, and bamboo crafts. These handicrafts are not only utilitarian but also carry symbolic meanings, reflecting their aesthetic sensibilities and connection to nature.
Oral Traditions: A profound tradition of oral storytelling, folk tales, and historical narratives serves as a vital conduit for transmitting cultural values, ethical principles, and historical knowledge across generations. This oral heritage is crucial for maintaining their collective memory and identity³.

Religious Aspects: A Blend of the Ancient and the New

Historically, the Rongmei/Nruanghmei people practiced an indigenous animist religion, centered on the worship of a supreme being, Tingkao Ragwang, alongside various spirits associated with nature and ancestors. This traditional faith, known as Heraka, emphasized a harmonious relationship with the natural world and a moral code governing community life.

During the colonial period, Christian missionaries arrived in the region, leading to widespread conversion among many Naga tribes, including a significant portion of the Rongmei. While many Rongmei today identify as Christian, elements of their traditional beliefs and practices often persist, creating a unique syncretic spiritual landscape. The Heraka movement, as we will discuss, emerged partly as a response to this religious shift, aiming to revive and reform their ancestral faith⁴.

Linguistic Identity and Preservation Efforts

The Rongmei language, belonging to the Tibeto-Burman family, is an integral part of their identity. Like many indigenous languages, it faces challenges in the face of dominant regional languages and global influences. However, there are ongoing efforts by community organizations and linguists to document, teach, and promote the Rongmei language, ensuring its vitality for future generations. The increasing emphasis on "Nruanghmei" as a preferred nomenclature is often linked to these broader linguistic preservation initiatives, highlighting the deep connection between language and identity⁵.

The Broader Naga Context: Unity in Diversity

To fully appreciate the Rongmei/Nruanghmei people, it is essential to understand their place within the broader Naga family. The Nagas are a collection of diverse ethnolinguistic groups inhabiting the northeastern states of India and northwestern Myanmar. While distinct in their dialects, customs, and traditions, they share a common heritage of tribal governance, animistic beliefs (prior to widespread Christianization), and a history of resistance against external domination.

The Naga tribes, including the Angami, Ao, Chakhesang, Konyak, Lotha, Sema, and many others, have historically maintained strong community bonds and unique social structures. The British colonial administration, through its "divide and rule" policies, often exacerbated inter-tribal differences, but also inadvertently fostered a sense of shared Naga identity in opposition to foreign rule. The struggle for self-determination and the preservation of distinct cultural identities have been central themes in Naga history, a context within which the Rongmei/Nruanghmei's own journey unfolds⁶.

Haipou Jadonang: The Genesis of Resistance and Heraka

The story of Rongmei/Nruanghmei resistance and spiritual revival cannot be told without acknowledging the pivotal role of Haipou Jadonang (1905–1931). A charismatic Rongmei Naga spiritual leader and social reformer, Jadonang emerged as a beacon of hope and defiance during a period of intense colonial oppression and cultural erosion.

The Origins of the Heraka Movement

Jadonang initiated the Heraka movement in the late 1920s. "Heraka," meaning "pure" in the Zeme dialect, aimed to reform and revitalize the ancestral Naga religion, known as Paupaise. At its core, Heraka sought to standardize traditional Naga belief systems, emphasizing the worship of Tingkao Ragwang, the supreme creator god. While Tingkao Ragwang was recognized in traditional polytheistic practices, Jadonang elevated his importance, portraying him as an omnipotent and omniscient deity. This reform also involved the abolition of numerous "gennas" (rituals) and superstitious taboos that had become economically burdensome, particularly the expensive animal sacrifices, which were replaced by simpler prayers and hymns. This aspect made the new religion appealing to the poorer sections of the community, who found the traditional sacrifices financially crippling⁷.

Beyond its religious reforms, the Heraka movement quickly developed a strong political dimension. Jadonang envisioned an independent Naga kingdom, "Makam Gwangdi" or "Naga Raj," free from British control. He urged his people to resist British impositions, including forced labor and heavy house taxes. He also sought to unite the disparate Naga tribes against the common colonial oppressor, drawing inspiration from Mahatma Gandhi's civil disobedience movement in mainland India⁸. Jadonang's prophecies about the end of British rule resonated deeply, attracting a large following from the Zeliangrong tribes (Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei).

Jadonang's Martyrdom and Legacy

The British, alarmed by Jadonang's growing influence and the burgeoning anti-colonial sentiment, perceived him as a direct threat to their authority. In 1931, he was arrested on charges of sedition and, controversially, for human sacrifice (a charge often used by the British to discredit indigenous leaders). He was subsequently executed by hanging. Jadonang's martyrdom, far from quelling the movement, served as a powerful catalyst, transforming him into a revered figure and inspiring a deeper resolve among his followers. His death paved the way for his young cousin, Rani Gaidinliu, to assume leadership and carry forward the torch of resistance⁹.

Rani Gaidinliu: The Queen of the Hills and Heraka's Torchbearer

Rani Gaidinliu (1915–1993) stands as one of India's most remarkable freedom fighters, a Naga spiritual and political leader whose life was dedicated to resisting British colonial rule and preserving her people's indigenous faith and cultural identity.

Early Life and Discipleship

Born in Nungkao village, Manipur, Gaidinliu's early life was immersed in the traditional customs and spiritual practices of the Liangmai tribe. At the tender age of thirteen, she became a devoted disciple of her cousin, Haipou Jadonang. Under his mentorship, she rapidly absorbed the tenets of the Heraka movement, becoming a fervent advocate for its religious and political ideals. Her eloquence, courage, and profound understanding of her people's aspirations quickly established her as a natural leader alongside Jadonang¹⁰.

Assumption of Leadership and Anti-British Resistance

Following Jadonang's execution in 1931, the seventeen-year-old Gaidinliu fearlessly stepped into his shoes, assuming leadership of the Heraka movement. She transformed it into an even more formidable force against the British. She exhorted her people to defy British laws, refuse to pay taxes, and resist forced labor, echoing Jadonang's call for non-cooperation. Her message resonated deeply with the disillusioned Naga population, who had long suffered under colonial exploitation. She organized armed resistance, employing guerrilla warfare tactics against the well-equipped British forces, leading her followers with an unyielding spirit of defiance¹¹.

Gaidinliu's campaigns were not merely about political independence; they were intricately woven with her vision of cultural and religious revival. She championed the Heraka faith as a bulwark against the proselytizing efforts of Christian missionaries, whom she viewed as agents of British cultural imperialism. She believed that preserving their indigenous religion was crucial for maintaining their unique identity and preventing the erosion of their traditional way of life. This powerful fusion of spiritual conviction and political resistance earned her the honorific "Rani" (Queen) from Jawaharlal Nehru, who recognized her extraordinary courage and leadership during his visit to Manipur in 1937¹².

Capture, Imprisonment, and Release

The British administration, alarmed by Gaidinliu's growing influence and the escalating rebellions, launched extensive military operations to capture her. For four arduous years, she remained elusive, constantly moving from village to village, mobilizing support. Finally, in October 1932, she was captured by British forces. She was tried on charges of murder and incitement to violence and sentenced to life imprisonment. She spent fourteen years in various prisons across Assam, enduring harsh conditions but never wavering in her convictions. Her imprisonment, far from breaking her spirit, only solidified her resolve and further cemented her image as a martyr for her people's cause¹³.

After India gained independence in 1947, Rani Gaidinliu was released from prison, largely due to the persistent efforts of Jawaharlal Nehru. Upon her release, she continued to work tirelessly for the welfare and upliftment of her people. She advocated for the recognition of the Heraka faith and campaigned for the cultural preservation of the Naga tribes. She also played a significant role in promoting inter-tribal harmony and integration within the broader Indian nation, often advocating for a separate Zeliangrong administrative unit within the Union of India, rather than secession¹⁴.

Legacy and Recognition

Rani Gaidinliu passed away on February 17, 1993, leaving behind an extraordinary legacy of courage, spiritual conviction, and unwavering dedication. Her contributions were recognized with numerous accolades, including the Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award (1972), the Padma Bhushan (1982), and the Vivekananda Seva Award (1983). The Government of India further honored her by issuing a commemorative postage stamp in 1996 and a two-rupee coin in 2015, marking her birth centenary. She remains a cherished figure, a symbol of resistance and cultural pride, not just for the Naga people but for the entire nation¹⁵.

Heraka and Rani Gaidinliu: A Deeper Connection

Rani Gaidinliu's relationship with the Heraka movement was profound and transformative. She not only inherited its leadership but also shaped its evolution. As Dr. Arkotong Longkumer highlights in his seminal work, Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India (London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2010), the Heraka movement, under Gaidinliu, was a complex site of negotiation between religious reform, identity politics, and anti-colonial resistance.

Longkumer's research delves into how Heraka, as a monotheistic movement centered on Tingkao Ragwang, distinguished itself from both traditional polytheistic practices and the encroaching Christianity. Gaidinliu's leadership solidified Heraka's role as a religious rationalism that sought to make distinctions between religious, political, and economic life. The movement's efforts to abolish costly rituals and superstitions were not just religious reforms but also had significant socio-economic implications, easing the burden on the common people. This aspect, as Longkumer argues, positioned Heraka as a project of reform that engaged in a complex dialogue with tradition, rather than a mere rejection of it¹⁶.

Furthermore, Longkumer explores the challenges faced by Heraka in navigating the ideological landscape of post-independence India, caught between the aspirations for an independent Christian Nagaland and the Hindu nationalist movement that sought to assimilate indigenous faiths. Gaidinliu's later alignment with the Indian government, advocating for a Zeliangrong administrative unit within India, created a nuanced and sometimes contested legacy within the broader Naga nationalist discourse, which often had strong Christian undertones¹⁷. Despite these complexities, her unwavering commitment to the preservation of Heraka and the cultural identity of her people remained a constant throughout her life.

The Internet World: Digital Preservation and Global Outreach

In the 21st century, the "internet world" offers unprecedented opportunities for indigenous communities like the Rongmei/Nruanghmei to share their stories, preserve their heritage, and connect with a global audience. This blog, rongmeinaga.blogspot.com, is a testament to this evolving landscape.

Blogs as Platforms for Indigenous Voices

Blogs provide accessible and dynamic platforms for communities to narrate their histories in their own voices, bypassing traditional gatekeepers of information. For the Rongmei/Nruanghmei people, this means the ability to:

Document and Preserve: Create a digital archive of their history, cultural practices, oral traditions, and linguistic nuances, ensuring their survival for future generations.
Educate and Inform: Disseminate accurate information about their community, countering stereotypes and promoting a deeper understanding of their unique identity.
Foster Community: Create a virtual space for community members, both within the region and in the diaspora, to connect, share experiences, and reinforce their cultural bonds.
Global Outreach: Reach a worldwide audience, raising awareness about their heritage, struggles, and contributions, thereby fostering cross-cultural understanding and solidarity.

Challenges and Opportunities in the Digital Space

While the internet offers immense potential, it also presents challenges. Ensuring the authenticity of information, protecting intellectual property, and bridging the digital divide within communities are crucial considerations. However, the opportunities for cultural revitalization, educational initiatives, and advocacy are immense. This blog aims to leverage these opportunities responsibly, serving as a bridge between the rich past of the Rongmei/Nruanghmei people and their vibrant future in the digital age.

Conclusion: A Journey Begins

This introduction merely scratches the surface of the profound and inspiring story of the Rongmei/Nruanghmei people, their spiritual leaders Haipou Jadonang and Rani Gaidinliu, and their enduring legacy. As you navigate through rongmeinaga.blogspot.com, you will discover detailed narratives, cultural insights, and historical analyses that delve deeper into these fascinating subjects.

We invite you to explore, learn, and engage with the content presented here. Your comments, insights, and contributions are invaluable as we collectively build a comprehensive and dynamic resource for the Rongmei/Nruanghmei community and all those interested in the rich tapestry of indigenous cultures. Thank you for joining us on this journey.

Notes

"Rongmei Tribe," Wikipedia, last modified July 20, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rongmei_people.
"Rongmei Language," Ethnologue, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.ethnologue.com/language/nbu.
"Rongmei Encyclopedia," Rongmei Encyclopedia, accessed July 26, 2025, https://rongmeiencyclopedia.wordpress.com/.
"Heraka The primordial religion," E-Pao, accessed July 26, 2025, https://e-pao.net/epSubPageSelector.asp?src=Heraka_The_primordial_religion&ch=manipur&sub1=Manipur_and_Religion.
"The Zeliangrong Nagas," Government of Nagaland, accessed July 26, 2025, https://nagaland.gov.in/portal/web/nagaland/the-zeliangrong-nagas.
"Naga Tribes of North East India," Indian Mirror, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.indianmirror.com/tribes/naga-tribes.html.
"Haipou Jadonang," Wikipedia, last modified July 20, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Haipou_Jadonang.
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Rongmei Naga Mythologies Possible Migration Theory

The Rongmei (Kabui) Odyssey

1. Introduction

The Rongmei, also known as Kabui, stand as an indigenous Zeliangrong Naga tribe inhabiting the regions of Assam, Manipur, and Nagaland in Northeast India. This ethnically rich community finds its origin intertwined with the enigma of the term "Kabui," and even their name "Rongmei" is rooted in their geographical residence – "Rong" signifies "south" and "mei" translates to "people," collectively meaning "people of the south." Through generations, Rongmeis have preserved their history, culture, and religion, handed down as oral traditions including myths, folktales, legends, and hymns.

Image Source: E-pao

2. The Cosmogony - Universe's Genesis

"Cosmogony," derived from Greek roots "kosmos" (universe) and "genesis" (coming into being), delves into myths or theories elucidating the universe's creation. In the Rongmei tradition, a Supreme Being, Tingkao Raguang, orchestrated the formation of the cosmos, celestial bodies, and Earth. These elements were meticulously organized into layers, culminating in a world characterized by supernatural and natural powers.

3. Birth of Earth

Tingkao Raguang's directives prompted deities Didimpu and Agonpu to fashion Earth. The narrative varies, portraying Earth's emergence through means of divine excretions, tears, or solidification of elements. These tales capture the Rongmei's profound connection to the very land they inhabit, where creation and life intertwined through celestial intervention.

4. Genesis of Humanity

In the Rongmei's universe, man's origins are multifaceted. The Supreme God's commands led to various prototypes of humans – from fish to frogs – until beings resembling Tingkao Raguang's own image were finally molded. The process of breathing life into these creations reflects their unique perspective on existence and a divine connection between creator and created.

5. Evolution of Rongmei Society

Narratives of divine warnings and familial conflicts highlight the societal underpinnings of Rongmei migration. The shift from Makuilongdi saw the blossoming of chieftainships, social structures, and lineage traditions. The tale unveils complex dynamics where land fertility, overpopulation, and familial disputes triggered a migration ripple effect across the land.

6. Modern-day Dispersion

From Makuilongdi's heart, Rongmei migration courses through varied landscapes. The tribes scattered across Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam, preserving their traditions amidst diverse surroundings. This journey embodies the rich tapestry of Rongmei history, from the ancient cave of origin to contemporary dwellings, where myths and history blend seamlessly.

7. Insights and Reflections

The Rongmei Naga myths and legends form a mosaic reflecting their perception of creation, migration, and cultural evolution. This tapestry binds the past and present, demonstrating the delicate interplay between the supernatural and natural, the divine and human. The Rongmei's stories resonate as more than mere narratives; they are the mirror to their identity, faith, and journey.

Adapted from:

Creation and Origin Myths and Legends of the Rongmei (Kabui)

Artha – Journal of Sciences, 2022, Vol. 21, No. 3, 1-15. ISSN 0975-329X | https://doi:10.12724/ajss.62.1

ARE THE LUNGPHUNLIAN MEGALITHS BUILT BY THE MIRAWRNG [RONGMEI]?

ARE THE LUNGPHUNLIAN MEGALITHS BUILT BY THE MIRAWRNG?

Dr. Malsawmliana

Translated: This translation maintains the academic and cultural integrity of the original Mizo text while ensuring clarity in English.

Original Source in Mizo Language here

The question of who constructed the ancient Mizo megaliths—whether they were built by Mizos or possibly by other communities—requires thorough investigation. Let’s briefly explore this, focusing on the megaliths at Vangchhia and Lungphunlian. Some believe the Vangchhia megaliths were built by the Vangchhe people, and similarly, there is a view among scholars that the Lungphunlian megaliths are also their work. Additionally, there is speculation that these could be remnants of the Mirawng (Rongmei), a Naga sub-group.

The name of the village Lungphunlian, derived from ‘Lungphun lian’ (large stone slab), prompts the question: who built these? Various scholars have expressed differing opinions over time. The general public often considers these to be the work of the Mirawng, but scholars like Darchhawna, Dr. Sangkima, B. Lalthangliana, Liangkhaia, and R. Buragohain (who wrote on this topic) hold divergent views. The Lungphunlian megalith is a large, uncarved stone slab, standing 4.3 meters tall, located near the village.

Among the differing opinions, R. Buragohain suggests these were built by the Meitei, while Darchhawna believes they are the work of the Tripuri, possibly constructed by a group migrating from Tripura to Manipur in the 17th century. However, historical records of Tripura indicate that the 17th century was a period when the Manikya rulers held significant power, and the only recorded interaction between Tripura and Manipur was in 1662–1663, when King Chhatra Manikya sent representatives to the Manipur court. There is no evidence of Tripuri migration to Manipur during this time, and the style of Tripuri megaliths differs from those at Lungphunlian. Thus, it is unlikely that these are Tripuri constructions.

Dr. Sangkima attributes the megaliths to the Vangchhia people. However, historical records suggest the Vangchhe lived in present-day Vangchhia, Champhai, and surrounding areas. Comparing the diverse megaliths at Vangchhia’s ‘Kawtchhuah Ropui’ with those at Lungphunlian reveals significant differences in style and carving techniques. Lungphunlian’s megaliths are plain (without carvings), leading me to conclude they are not the work of the Vangchhia people.

Meanwhile, B. Lalthangliana, Rev. Liangkhaia, C. Chawngkunga, and others propose that these were built by the Rongmei (Mirawng), a Naga sub-group, during their time in Mizoram. B. Lalthangliana notes that around the late 17th century, the Rongmei lived in northern Mizoram near the Manipur border, in areas like Tualcheng, Selam, Lungphunlian, and Vankal. He mentions they left behind traces, including megaliths, old forts, graves, and roads.

Who Are the Mirawng/Rongmei?
The Rongmei are a Naga sub-group currently residing in Manipur, part of the Kacha Naga, which includes Zemi, Liangmei, Rongmei, and Kabui. In 1963, when Nagaland became a state, ‘Kacha Naga’ was renamed ‘Zeliang’ (Zemei and Liangmei), later including Rongmei as ‘Zeliangrong.’ The Rongmei are a significant group, considering Manipur’s western hills, Imphal valley, and North Cachar Hills (Assam) their homeland. Historically, they lived in Manipur, Assam, Nagaland, Tripura, Meghalaya, and Mizoram, with many now in Tamenglong District, Manipur.

‘Rongmei’ derives from ‘Rong’ (southern) and ‘Mei’ (people), meaning ‘people from the south.’ Their history traces their origins to Southwest China, migrating with other Naga groups like Ao, Angami, Sema, Lotha, Tangkhul, and Rengma through Burma and Southeast Asia to Northeast India. Naga history suggests they entered their current region around the 13th century from Burma. According to G. Makuga, Liangmei followed Angami, Zemei moved to western Manipur, and Rongmei later settled in Manipur’s west, their current homeland. They were among the last Naga groups to migrate from the Chin Hills. Makuga notes that after leaving the Chin Hills’ Rongkiang hills, they were followed by the Kookies (Koomees) in the 17th century, known as ‘Mrungs’ (Mirawng/Rongmei) by the Lusei in Mizoram. They lived in northern Mizoram areas like Champhai, Tualcheng, Selam, Lungphunlian, and Vankal, leaving behind megaliths, forts, graves, and roads. Near Tualcheng, Mirawng graves and forts are still visible.

The Rongmei likely lived in Mizoram around the late 17th century, with accounts placing them in Selam, 5 km north of Lungphunlian, in the early 18th century (Liangkhaia, B. Lalthangliana).

Their Megalithic Practices:
Lungphunlian features large, uncarved stone slabs arranged in rows (‘Alignment’) along roadsides. A similar style is seen in Selangthel near Churachandpur, Manipur, where large, uncarved megaliths are placed along roadsides as ‘Boundary pillars’ by the Rongmei (Kabui Naga). Comparing these with Lungphunlian’s alignments suggests a strong likelihood of Rongmei origin. The ‘Manding Lung’ near Lungphunlian, attributed to Bawrhsap Manding Putara, may also be such a boundary marker. If these rows are indeed Rongmei constructions, they could serve as boundary pillars, a hypothesis worth further exploration.

In conclusion, comparing Rongmei megalithic practices in Manipur with Lungphunlian’s alignments indicates a possible Rongmei origin, though further investigation is needed to confirm this.

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