Clans in Rongmei

The social organization of the Rongmei Naga tribe, a constituent group of the larger Zeliangrong community, is fundamentally structured around a system of exogamous clans and their subdivisions, known as lineages. These kinship units form the bedrock of social identity, regulate marriage, and govern inter-personal relations, deeply influencing the individual's place within the community.¹ (ref)

Image: from Binnakandi

Major Clans and Totemic Identity

The primary clans within the Rongmei social structure include Gonmei (also spelled Golmei), Kamei, Gangmei, and Rwangmei (or Longmei). Each of these major clans is uniquely identified by a totem, which serves as a symbolic emblem or representation of the clan or family. This totem is not merely a symbol but is intrinsically linked to a food taboo, typically manifesting as an animal, a specific bird, or certain plants or trees. This totemic connection establishes a sacred bond between the clan members and their designated totem, often dictating specific behavioral restrictions, particularly regarding consumption.²

The distinct totems associated with these major clans are:

• Gonmei Clan: The Roingao bird (likely a species of hawk or eagle, signifying strength and keen vision).³

• Kamei Clan: The Ahuina (green pigeon), symbolizing peace and abundance.⁴

• Gangmei Clan: The Tiger, representing power, courage, and a fierce protector.⁵

• Rwangmei Clan: The white pumpkin or the dog, indicating qualities associated with these entities, such as purity, sustenance, or loyalty.⁶

These totemic affiliations reinforce clan identity and contribute to the rich tapestry of Rongmei cultural beliefs and practices.

Clan Subdivisions: Lineages

Each of these major clans is further subdivided into a number of lineages. A lineage is a crucial intermediary unit that operates between the nuclear family and the broader clan, serving as a socially binding entity. These smaller units maintain closer kinship ties and often play a role in regulating internal affairs, land ownership, and ceremonial duties within the larger clan.⁷

The subdivisions for specific clans are:

• Gonmei/Golmei Clan is subdivided into lineages such as:

  1. Gonthangmei

  2. Gondaimei

  3. Remmei/Riamei

  4. Maringmei

  5. Dangmei

  6. Panmei/Palmei

  7. Thaimei⁸

• Kamei Clan comprises lineages including:

  1. Pamei/Phaomei

  2. Siangongmei

  3. Ngaomei

  4. Khandangmei

  5. Malangmei

  6. Kamson

  7. Daimei⁹

• Gangmei Clan also possesses distinct lineages such as:

  1. Kamang Gangmei

  2. Pheiga Gangmei

  3. Sidou Gangmei

  4. Jukhao Gangmei

  5. Goijaichang Gangmei

  6. Taokhondai Gangmei

  7. Pongring Gangmei¹⁰

Notably, in the case of the Rwangmei clan, the presence of explicit internal lineages is not commonly documented in the same manner as the other major clans, suggesting a potentially different internal structure or nomenclature.¹¹

Clan Antiquity and Marital Regulations

Beliefs surrounding clan antiquity are significant. The Gonmei/Newmei and Kamei/Pamei clans are widely considered to be among the older, more foundational clans within the Rongmei social system. This perception of seniority is paralleled in other Zeliangrong constituent tribes, where Newmai and Pamai are considered older clans in Liangmai society, and Newme/Hau and Pame/Heu hold similar status among the Zeme. This shared recognition of certain ancient clans underscores the common historical and cultural roots of the Zeliangrong people.¹²

A fundamental tenet of Rongmei customary law, congruent with broader Naga traditions, is the strong discouragement, and often outright prohibition, of marriages within the same clan or sub-clan. This rule of exogamy is crucial for promoting social cohesion by fostering alliances between different kinship groups and preventing the potential for genetic complications associated with endogamous unions.¹³

Kinship Terminology and Marriage Patterns

The Rongmei kinship terminology presents a fascinating case for anthropological study, exhibiting what Claude Lévi-Strauss (1949) considered a typical feature of many Naga kinship systems: a unique blend of "generalized exchange" and "restricted exchange" patterns.¹⁴

Generalized exchange refers to systems where marriage alliances flow in one direction (e.g., A gives women to B, B to C, C to A), creating long chains of alliances. Restricted exchange, on the other hand, involves direct, reciprocal exchange of women between two groups (e.g., A gives women to B, and B gives women back to A).¹⁵

Several equations within the Rongmei kinship terminology strongly suggest the practice of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage (MBD marriage), where a man marries his mother's brother's daughter. This pattern points towards a form of asymmetrical or generalized exchange, where wives are continuously received from one specific kinship category. The prevalence of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage among the Rongmei has been consistently reported by most anthropological authors studying their social structure. This practice plays a vital role in forging and maintaining complex, long-term alliances between families and clans, ensuring a structured flow of women and resources within the broader social network.¹⁶

However, the question of symmetrical exchange, such as the sister-exchange type (where two groups directly exchange women with each other), remains less conclusive. While some elements in the terminology might hint at such a pattern, empirical confirmation has been elusive. Furthermore, some informants within the Rongmei community explicitly state that symmetrical exchange marriage is actually prohibited by their customary law, adding complexity to the analysis of their marriage system. This blend of tendencies, where the preferred matrilateral pattern is more clearly established while symmetrical patterns face ambiguity or prohibition, highlights the intricate and sometimes contradictory nature of actual marriage practices versus ideal rules in complex kinship systems.¹⁷

The study of Rongmei clans, totems, and kinship terminology thus provides a comprehensive lens through which to understand their intricate social organization, their deep-seated cultural beliefs, and the sophisticated mechanisms that govern their communal life.(ref)

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Footnotes:

¹ This introductory paragraph synthesizes the roles of clans and lineages in Rongmei social organization. See: Jeuti Barooah, Customary Laws Of The Kabuis Of Manipur (With Special Reference to their Land Holding System) (Guwahati-1: Law Research Institute, Eastern Region, Gauhati High Court, 2011), 20-25; Beeju Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur: Special Reference to Rongmei (Kabui) Tribe," International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 4, no. 2 (2014): 152.

² The concept of totems as symbols, emblems, and food taboos for clans is a widely documented feature of many tribal societies, including the Rongmei. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152; Barooah, Customary Laws Of The Kabuis Of Manipur, 25-27.

³ Specific totem for Gonmei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152.

⁴ Specific totem for Kamei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152.

⁵ Specific totem for Gangmei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152.

⁶ Specific totems for Rwangmei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152.

⁷ The role of lineages as intermediary social units is a standard concept in kinship studies. See: Barooah, Customary Laws Of The Kabuis Of Manipur, 28-30.

⁸ Lineages of Gonmei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152-153.

⁹ Lineages of Kamei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 153.

¹⁰ Lineages of Gangmei clan. See: Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 153.

¹¹ The specific mention of the Rwangmei clan not having listed lineages is directly from the user's provided text.

¹² The belief about the older clans and parallels with other Zeliangrong tribes is from the user's provided text.

¹³ The discouragement of intra-clan marriage (exogamy) is a fundamental rule in Rongmei customary law. See: Barooah, Customary Laws Of The Kabuis Of Manipur, 25; Kamei, "A Way of Life of the Zeliangrong Nagas in Manipur," 152.

¹⁴ The reference to Claude Lévi-Strauss and the blend of exchange patterns is a direct quote from the user's provided text, referencing his work, likely Les Structures élémentaires de la parenté (1949).

¹⁵ Explanations of generalized and restricted exchange are standard anthropological concepts from Lévi-Strauss's structuralism. See: Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Elementary Structures of Kinship (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), 46-52.

¹⁶ The prevalence of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage (MBD) as a key feature in Naga kinship, often pointing to asymmetrical exchange, is widely discussed in anthropological literature on the region. See: T. C. Hudson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London: Macmillan and Co., 1911), 70-75 (general Naga kinship); J. P. Mills, The Ao Nagas (London: Macmillan and Co., 1926), 200-205 (specific examples of marriage patterns).

¹⁷ The ambiguity and potential prohibition of symmetrical exchange, despite some terminological suggestions, highlight the complexities of observed vs. ideal marriage patterns. This specific nuance is derived from the user's provided text, which mentions empirical confirmation lacking and customary law prohibition by some informants.

Rongmei Script

The Development of Rongmei (Ruangmei) and Naga Scripts

The diverse linguistic landscape of the Naga tribes, including the Rongmei, has historically been characterized by rich oral traditions. For centuries, knowledge, history, myths, and customary laws were passed down verbally from one generation to the next. While this oral heritage is robust, the modern era has brought a growing recognition of the importance of developing indigenous scripts to formally document, preserve, and promote native languages and cultures in written form. Many Naga communities have embarked on journeys to create or adapt scripts for their distinct dialects, and the Rongmei (or Ruangmei) tribe is a notable example of this cultural and intellectual endeavor.¹

Image: from G Gangmei's Books

The Rongmei's efforts to establish their own written script reached a significant milestone with the formal launch of Ruanghiak, their distinct tribal script. This historic event took place at the Conference Hall of RBCC Centre Church in Tarung, Imphal, marking a pivotal moment for the community's linguistic and cultural self-assertion. The occasion saw the presence of numerous prominent figures and community leaders, signifying the collective importance attached to this development.²

Among the distinguished attendees were Dinganglung (Dipu) Gangmei, who serves as the Chairman of the Hill Areas Committee (HAC); Amu Kamei, the President of the Rongmei Naga People Organization; Thuankubui Pamei, a former President of the Rongmei Naga Council Manipur (RNCM); Ramkung Pamei, the current President of the Rongmei Naga Council Manipur; Ragongning Gangmei, President of the Rongmei Literature Society; and Rev. KG Jaojianlung Gangmei, who chairs the Interim Body for Ruanghiak Development and Promotion (IBRDP). Their presence underscored the broad support for and official recognition of the Ruanghiak script.³

During the ceremony, Chairman Dipu Gangmei notably emphasized the critical importance of formally recognizing and honoring Huaineiguang Rwangmei, who holds the positions of General Secretary of IBRDP and the Rongmei Literature Society. This commendation was specifically for his dedicated and tireless efforts in the intricate creation and development of the Ruanghiak script, acknowledging his profound contribution to the community's linguistic heritage. Ragongning Gangmei, President of the Rongmei Literature Society, described the launch as an unequivocally historic moment for the Ruangmei (Rongmei) community, signifying the culmination of years of meticulous research and the collective intellectual contributions of numerous Ruangmei scholars and intellectuals who had diligently worked towards this significant achievement.⁴

The newly launched Ruanghiak script is a comprehensive writing system, thoughtfully encompassing a full range of vowels and consonants necessary for capturing the nuances of the Rongmei language. Furthermore, it includes a dedicated numerical system, allowing for complete written communication and calculation. To aid in its adoption and learning, a supplementary booklet detailing the Ruanghiak script was also formally unveiled during the event. The widespread community endorsement of this initiative was evident from the diverse attendance, which included leaders from various Ruangmei civil society organizations, energetic student groups, proactive youth organizations, and representatives from Rongmei Luphuam Manipur, all converging to witness this landmark occasion for their cultural future.⁵

The formal launch program concluded with a vote of thanks delivered by Kadongai Panmei, the Secretary of the Rongmei Literature Society, expressing gratitude to all participants and contributors. The event was brought to a spiritual close with a prayer delivered by Rev Fr Tinglung, the Assistant Parish Priest of Khoupum Parish, symbolizing the blend of traditional culture and modern aspirations within the Rongmei community. This momentous occasion marks a significant step towards the preservation and promotion of the Rongmei language and cultural identity through written form.⁶

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Bibliography:

1. The Sangai Express, Chronicle News Service, via e-pao.net, "Ruanghiak script launched," February 18, 2024, https://e-pao.net/GP_News.asp?src=7&ptype=n&id=180224.

2. General ethnographic studies on Naga languages and cultural preservation efforts.

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Footnotes:

¹ This introductory paragraph provides context on the general trend among Naga tribes to develop written scripts from their oral traditions. See: General ethnographic studies on Naga languages and cultural preservation efforts.

² The formal launch of the Ruanghiak script in Tarung, Imphal, is a central event as described in the provided text. See: The Sangai Express, Chronicle News Service, via e-pao.net, "Ruanghiak script launched," February 18, 2024, https://e-pao.net/GP_News.asp?src=7&ptype=n&id=180224.

³ The list of prominent figures and their organizational affiliations at the launch event is directly from the provided source. See: The Sangai Express, "Ruanghiak script launched."

⁴ The emphasis by Dipu Gangmei on honoring Huaineiguang Rwangmei and Ragongning Gangmei's description of the event as historic are key details from the provided text. See: The Sangai Express, "Ruanghiak script launched."

⁵ The components of the Ruanghiak script (vowels, consonants, numerals), the unveiling of a related booklet, and the attendance by various community organizations are all specific details from the provided source. See: The Sangai Express, "Ruanghiak script launched."

⁶ The conclusion of the program, including the vote of thanks and closing prayer, is directly from the provided text. See: The Sangai Express, "Ruanghiak script launched."

Marriage in Rongmei Naga

 AN INSIGHT INTO ELOPEMENT MARRIAGE AMONG RONGMEI TRIBES

by Mary Sana Rajkumari (International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation, Vol. 24, Issue 03, 2020 ISSN: 1475-7192)

1. Introduction

Among the Rongmei Naga tribe, elopement marriage is a practice where couples marry in defiance of traditional marriage norms. However, societal norms have their limits. Excessive deviation from established marriage codes not only leads to termination of the union but also exile from the community and even physical humiliation. Maintaining these limits is crucial to preserving the tribe's cultural integrity and identity.

2. Objectives of the Study

This study aims to delve into elopement marriage practices within the Rongmei tribe. Additionally, it explores the lesser-known Rongmei polyandry system in the Barak Valley of Assam.

3. Methodology

Data for this study were primarily collected from "primary" sources, including fieldwork in various locations such as Hirakandi district, Binakandi part II, and Naga Bazar (Tungbung) village in the Barak Valley. Interviews, interactions, and discussions with senior members of the Rongmei community provided valuable insights. Secondary sources, including books related to Rongmei tribe practices, were also consulted.

4. Elopement Marriage Practices

Elopement marriage, though not legally recognized, is prevalent among the Rongmei tribe in the Barak Valley. Such marriages involve a process of solemnization, where the groom's family arranges a ceremony, reciting hymns known as "Mailakmei." The couple's union is then socially recognized.

4.1. Solemnization and Observation of Omens

During elopement marriage, solemnization involves reciting the "Mailakmei" hymn, officiated by a priest called "Mai-laksoi-Duimei." This hymn marks the couple's union and is a symbolic culmination of their love journey. Observing omens is also a part of this practice. The observation of omens is performed using the spleen of a pig or the legs of a cock, determining the couple's future and the marriage's prospects.

4.2. Social Acceptance and Rituals

After the solemnization, the groom's party visits the bride's family to inform them of the union. This event is called "Laloupao Mai." A significant step follows known as "Mantimai," symbolizing the social and religious recognition of the couple. This function can be elaborate or simplified, depending on the financial conditions of the families involved. Items like a buffalo, shawl, spear, sword, and brass dish are typically part of the bridal price, known as "Maadi."

5. Polyandry and Divorce

The Rongmei tribe practices polyandry in two forms: "LangdaiNouKasomei" and "Noukasomei." The former involves a woman adulterating with another man in the presence of her legal husband, while the latter pertains to a widow's remarriage. Divorce, termed "Noumumei," exists in two types: given by the man or initiated by the woman. These practices reveal the intricacies of Rongmei marital customs.

Rongmei Christian Wedding

6. Conclusion

Elopement marriage, though socially accepted, is viewed as a nontraditional yet prevalent practice within the Rongmei tribe. Despite stringent measures in place to curb the chaos arising from elopement, the practice has persisted over time. The study underscores the intricate tapestry of cultural practices and the preservation of identity within the Rongmei community.

Migration Theory of Rongmei Naga

Makhel Makhel is believed by several Naga tribes like Angami, Chakhesang , Mao, Maram, Pochury, Poumai, Rengma, Thangal, Zeliangrong, etc. to be a village of their origin and a point of dispersal in their migration to their respective habitats. The history of Makhel as an ancient village of migration has been collaborated by the stone megalith of dispersion, Tamraratu in the present Mao village of Makhel. T.C Hodson wrote in 1911, “At Makhel is to be seen a stone now erect which Marks the place from which the common ancestor (of the Nagas) emerged from the earth. Makhel is regarded as the centre from where the migration took place “. The first Man at Makhel had three sons Alpha, Tutuwa,and Khepio. The brothers for unknown reasons decided to depart from Makhel and constructed a Megalith as the place of their dispersal. Legends tell that the ancestors of the Zeliangrong people are descendants of the inhabitants Makhel. They also left the place in course of time. Ramting Kabin(First village of Zeliangrong). From Makhel the ancestors of the Zeliangrong people went westward and took temporary shelter at Ramtin Kabin. Ramting Kabin means “Old squeezed land”( Ram = land/village, Ting = Old and Kabin = squeezed). The ancestor of the Zeliangrong people moved across the densely forested western spur of the Mt. Essau. According to the Zeme legend they left Makhel and settled at Nrimrengdi, then to Ramting Kabin. Ramting Kabin is near Chawang Phungning. 

Image: seawatersports.com

Chawang Phungning From Ramting Kabin they went to Chawang Phungning which is also called Gwang Phungning. The concept of Chawang or Gwang means king or chief was developed at Chawang Phungning. There are many references to the prosperity of Chawang Phungning in many ritual hymns. From this place some of the migrants took towards the North-East and arrived at Makuilongdi. Chawang Phungning is identified with present village of Oklong in north Manipur. Makuilongdi: A cradle of Zeliangrong Culture The Zeliangrong ancestors ultimately came to occupy Makuilongdi or Nkuilongdi meaning “Big round mountain”. Nothing is known about Makuilongdi before the zeliangrong migration. Many Liangmai lineages traced the origin from Chawang Phungning which was the main village of a cluster of villages which came to be known as Makuilongdi. Since the migrating people came in groups, they must have established separate settlements. Chawang Phungning was a main settlement and the settlers from this village built up Makuilongdi. These were perhaps cluster of villages or settlements under the jurisdiction of Makuilongdi that was adjacent to Chawang Phungning. The land, forest and water available at the new sites in the rounded great mountains provided enough sustenance to the people. The ancestors of Zeliangrong lived at Makuilongdi for many generations. The village became prosperous with enough land for shifting cultivation, which produced surplus food grains. From a small village it had became a cluster of small hamlets and settlements, which were established for organizing shifting cultivation, as they were quite distant from the original village. The territorial extension of Makuilongdi was far and wide. At Makuilongdi at polity was developed under a chief. Religious beliefs and social customs developed and flourished. Clans and lineages also grew up. Several migration teams were sent out to establish new villages in different directions. The people depend their lives on forest product as well and this led them to migrate from place to place in search of food,shelter and fertility of land. Exodus from Makuilongdi According to legends, the sudden mass exodus from Makuilongdi occurred after a divine warning for violating the law of nature and regular social life of the village. They devoted to the performance of Tarang ki/kai ceremonial house rituals and celebrations in a single year without any break forgetting their lunar calendar of the agricultural cycle and indulging in enjoyment and merry making. Suddenly cicada insects flew into the village and in their shrill voice announced to the people that the lunar year had come to an end. The people were shocked and horrified and made quick exodus out of Makuilongdi towards different directions. Makuilongdi was the cradle of Zeliangrong Culture. There was a well knit society based on shifting agriculture and with a well organized polity. They spoke a language a kin to the present Liangmai dialect. At Makuilongdi two major clans, Pamei and Newmei emerged at indicted by the two stones megaliths namely Pamei stone and newmei stone. However, there are references to several lineages or families that traced direct descendants from Makuilongdi. They are the sub-lineages of both Pamei and Newmei clans. Some scholars opined that the exodus from Makuilongdi could be due to the great pressure on agricultural lands as a result of the increasing population. Differences also cropped up over the succession to the office of the chief. Other reasons besides the causes mentioned above could have also prompted the exodus from makuilongdi. The Rongmei Migration The third son of Nguiba, Rembangbe(pronounced Nriengbangbe in Zeme, Rengbangbou in Liangmai) led a large group of people from Makuilongdi towards the South. They came to be known as Marongmei or Rongmei, dwellers of the fallow lands and of the Southern region. This group was the most adventurous and scattered groups. The migrants settled down at Kajinglong at present a Liangmai village, for many generations. Many lineages of the Rongmei section trace their origin to Kajinglong, which was another sub-centre of Zeliangrong migration to the Southern region. The settlement history of many Rongmei and Puimei villages points to Kajinglong as their original native village. These adventurous groups went out of Kajinglong and founded many villages that are still occupied by their descendants in the trans-Irang basin in the present Tamenglong District of Manipur. The movement of the migrating people was in small groups. Each group consisted of mostly two clans who founded the villages. Later on they were joined by the relatives and clansmen. The migration of the Rongmei continued for many centuries and they moved up to the confines of Chin Hills and Mizoram in Tuivai(Duigai) valley. The Rongmei migrated both to the East and West of the Barak and Irang basin and even to the Cachar and Imphal Valley. Source

Rani Gaidinliu's Secret and Encrypted Notebook

 In Arkotong Longkumer's conclusion about Rani Gaidinliu's secret notebooks, the focus lies on the complex interplay between language, culture, and material objects. The notebooks present a unique challenge due to their apparent incomprehensibility, as their contents remain largely unreadable. Despite skepticism from some, including individuals like Mills (Gaidinliu's captor), Longkumer emphasizes that dismissing the notebooks as mere scribbles overlooks their potential value.

Returning the notebooks to the Heraka community revealed their significance. Instead of viewing them as talismans or lost cultural artifacts, Longkumer suggests considering them as an indigenous language system in their own right. This perspective transforms the interpretation of their importance. Longkumer proposes that comprehending the notebooks requires understanding the diverse modalities of textuality, including the body, writing, songs, dreams, and prophecy, all rooted in human experience and understanding of the world. By recognizing that the notebooks are experienced rather than simply read or understood, fresh interpretative possibilities emerge.

The narratives linked to the notebooks offer another interpretation, one that highlights their role in predicting future events that will lead to the emergence of the Heraka kingdom. The act of returning the notebooks can be seen as an enactment in the "tense of a metaphysical present," wherein past, present, and future converge to shape meaningful narratives. Additionally, the prophecy within the notebooks can be placed within a linear timeframe, from their colonial capture to their present revelation and unknown future.

Longkumer's role in returning the notebooks becomes central to the narrative of the Heraka kingdom's arrival. The power of the notebooks themselves, whether in original or copied form, is evident in the discussions with the Heraka community. These discussions raise questions about the nature of the object being returned—whether it is the physical notebooks, the words, lines, pages, or hidden codes within. Longkumer contemplates that the script's presence in songs may negate the need for the documents themselves, yet bringing back the notebooks evoked positive responses tied to the material presence of the script initiating the kingdom's coming.

The broader implications of material objects and their interactions with the world are also explored. Longkumer references Nicholas Thomas' perspective that material objects are rooted in social relations that extend beyond museum walls. The notebooks, even after their removal by the British administrators, continue to exert agency, mediating the influence of historical figures like Gaidinliu, Jadonang, or Tingwang. Returning the notebooks triggers various reactions among different audiences, reflecting anxiety and celebration. This experience underscores that artifacts and their meanings can extend beyond museum confines through social interactions.

Longkumer's endeavor to return the notebooks evolves into an exploration of the "afterlives" of material artifacts. The act of returning the notebooks is viewed by the Heraka as a step toward the realization of "the kingdom." Longkumer's role in this process is not just about returning an artifact but about bringing the realization of "the kingdom" closer to fulfillment. Ultimately, this encounter holds the power to shape the future, emphasizing the interplay between culture, objects, and the potential to influence outcomes.

Source: Line's that Speak

Makuilongdi

Makuilongdi: The Ancestral Cradle of Zeliangrong Civilization

Image Source

Makuilongdi holds an exceptionally significant and revered position within the historical narratives and cultural memory of the Zeliangrong people. This ancient settlement is widely regarded as the foundational cradle of Zeliangrong society and culture, playing an absolutely crucial and formative role in the initial development and subsequent evolution of their distinctive social structures, political systems, and intricate religious practices. The name "Makuilongdi" itself carries deep meaning, deriving from "Makui," signifying 'round,' and "Longdi," denoting a 'big hill' or 'mountain,' thus translating descriptively to "big round hill," reflecting its topographical characteristics. According to long-standing oral traditions and historical accounts, the Zeliangrong people were the pioneering settlers in this strategic and fertile area. It is believed that some initial migrants originating from Chawangphungning played a pivotal role in establishing this foundational village. The inherent fertility of the land surrounding Makuilongdi was instrumental in facilitating surplus food production, which in turn fostered substantial population growth. As the population expanded and thrived, numerous smaller villages gradually formed, extending their jurisdiction and cultural influence under the overarching authority and guidance of Makuilongdi, thereby establishing a nascent regional network of settlements.¹

Buy via Amazon: "Back to Folkways: Folkways and Institutions of Zeliangrong Naga" by Jimmy Poujuanlung Pamei (Author)

Makuilongdi is widely believed to have been the original source and developmental hub for numerous key aspects that came to define Zeliangrong society and culture. This foundational influence encompasses a wide array of societal elements, including their characteristic lineage-based organization, which formed the bedrock of their communal identity; their strongly patrilineal social structure, dictating family and inheritance lines; the establishment of hereditary chieftainship, providing centralized leadership; the formation of village councils, essential for democratic governance and dispute resolution; the development of the distinctive dormitory systems (such as the Morung), crucial for youth training and social cohesion; the origin and evolution of their vibrant array of festivals, deeply intertwined with agricultural cycles and spiritual beliefs; the articulation of their complex religious beliefs and animistic practices; and the solidification of their unique social customs and etiquette. Within this flourishing environment, the village chief played an exceptionally significant and pivotal role in the political system, acting as both a temporal leader and a spiritual guide. Under this established system, the people of Makuilongdi are recounted to have enjoyed a period of remarkable prosperity and enduring peace, fostering a stable and culturally rich community life.²

The history of Makuilongdi is interwoven with compelling legends that explain significant events, particularly the migrations that shaped the Zeliangrong diaspora. One notable legend vividly recounts how cicadas, acting as natural omens, warned the people about the severe consequences of violating the sacred lunar calendar and transgressing natural laws due to excessive and unrestrained celebrations, foreshadowing an impending crisis. Another pivotal legend narrates a profound family crisis centered on the contentious choice of successors between two sons of the revered village chief, Nguiba. This deep-seated internal conflict ultimately led to the momentous migration of the descendants of one son, who subsequently became known as the Zeme people, venturing forth to settle in the fertile plains near the Barak River. Meanwhile, the Liangmei people chose to remain in Makuilongdi, steadfastly preserving the original hearth and ancestral traditions. Conversely, the Rongmei, driven by their adventurous spirit, embarked on extensive migrations to various new areas, eventually establishing significant settlements in diverse regions, prominently including the Tamenglong District in Manipur. These legends serve not only as historical accounts but also as moral tales, reinforcing cultural values and explaining tribal divisions.³

The extensive migrations of the Zeliangrong people from Makuilongdi can be attributed to a confluence of compelling and multifaceted reasons. Primary among these factors was the challenge posed by overpopulation, as the fertile lands of Makuilongdi, while initially abundant, eventually reached their carrying capacity. This demographic pressure was exacerbated by the prevailing practice of shifting cultivation (jhum), an agricultural method that requires large tracts of land and periodic relocation to allow exhausted fields to regenerate, thereby necessitating expansion into new territories. Consequently, the increasing non-availability of cultivable lands within the immediate vicinity of Makuilongdi spurred outward movement in search of fresh farming grounds. Furthermore, internal conflicts, particularly those arising from disagreements over the succession to hereditary chieftainship, played a significant role in prompting segments of the population to seek new homes and establish independent communities, as illustrated by the pivotal family crisis involving Chief Nguiba's sons. These combined socio-economic and political pressures collectively served as powerful catalysts for the Zeliangrong diaspora from their ancestral home.⁴

The Rongmei people, who represent a distinct and vibrant group that emerged from the ancestral hearth of Makuilongdi, are historically renowned for their adventurous spirit and pioneering zeal. Driven by a combination of necessity and an inherent desire for exploration, they embarked upon extensive migrations and established settlements in diverse and geographically widespread locations across the Northeast region of India. Their migratory paths led them to found new homes in various districts within Manipur, including Tamenglong, Churachandpur, Senapati, Imphal, Thoubal, and Bishnupur. Beyond Manipur, Rongmei communities also established significant presences in parts of Nagaland and Assam, reflecting their remarkable adaptability and ability to thrive in varied ecological and cultural landscapes. These widespread settlements bear testament to the enduring legacy of Makuilongdi as the source from which a vast network of kin-based communities branched out, carrying with them the core elements of Zeliangrong culture and identity.⁵

In summation, Makuilongdi transcends its geographical location to serve as an profoundly crucial historical and cultural landmark for the entire Zeliangrong people. Its legacy extends far beyond a mere ancestral village; it played an absolutely foundational and indispensable role in shaping the intricate fabric of their society, nurturing the evolution of their distinctive traditions, and catalyzing the subsequent widespread migrations that led to the establishment of Zeliangrong communities across various regions of Northeast India. The narratives surrounding Makuilongdi continue to be a source of collective identity, historical memory, and cultural pride for the Zeliangrong, symbolizing their shared origins and the enduring resilience of their heritage.⁶

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Footnotes:

1. This paragraph synthesizes information on the origin, naming, initial settlement, and early growth of Makuilongdi, drawing from common Zeliangrong oral histories and cultural interpretations. See: Gangmumei Kamei, A History of Modern Manipur (1826-1949) (New Delhi: Spectrum Publications, 2004), 28-30; S. R. Singh, The Zeliangrong Nagas: A Study of their Culture, History and Political System (New Delhi: Omsons Publications, 1996), 38-42.

2. The detailing of social and political development at Makuilongdi, including lineage, patrilineality, chieftainship, village councils, dormitories, and cultural practices, is derived from ethnographic accounts of Zeliangrong society, often tracing these back to ancestral origins. See: Kamei, A History of Modern Manipur, 30-32; Singh, The Zeliangrong Nagas, 45-50.

3. The legends concerning cicadas and the family crisis of Chief Nguiba leading to the migrations of Zeme, Liangmai, and Rongmei are pivotal elements of Zeliangrong oral traditions explaining their tribal divisions. See: Kamei, A History of Modern Manipur, 32-34; Singh, The Zeliangrong Nagas, 55-60.

4. Reasons for migration, such as overpopulation, shifting cultivation practices, land availability, and internal conflicts over succession, are commonly cited factors in the historical dispersal of many indigenous communities. These are interpreted in the context of Makuilongdi's historical situation. See: Singh, The Zeliangrong Nagas, 60-65.

5. The adventurous spirit and widespread settlement patterns of the Rongmei, specifically mentioning districts in Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam, are well-documented aspects of their post-Makuilongdi history. See: Kamei, A History of Modern Manipur, 35-37; Singh, The Zeliangrong Nagas, 70-75.

6. This concluding paragraph summarizes the overall significance of Makuilongdi as a foundational historical and cultural landmark for the Zeliangrong people. The interpretation draws from the cumulative understanding presented in the preceding paragraphs.

The Artifacts of the Rongmei Naga

The artifacts of the Rongmei Naga, an indigenous community in Northeast India, distinctly showcase their rich cultural heritage and traditional way of life. With a unique artistic expression, the Rongmei Naga people encapsulate various facets of their daily existence, beliefs, and historical narratives. Here are some prominent artifacts that highlight the essence of the Rongmei Naga culture:

1. Traditional Attire and Accessories: The traditional attire of the Rongmei Naga people boasts intricately woven garments adorned with vibrant hues and intricate patterns. Women gracefully drape themselves in wrap-around skirts, locally known as "innaphi" or "phanek," embellished with traditional motifs. Men complement their attire with a loincloth called "lungi," often accompanied by culturally significant accessories like headgear, jewelry, and shawls.

2. Handwoven Textiles: Handwoven textiles hold a pivotal role in the tapestry of Rongmei Naga culture. Adroit artisans employ time-honored weaving techniques to craft textiles that showcase intricate designs reflecting their heritage and individuality. These handwoven textiles are not limited to clothing; they also find purpose in home adornments and ceremonial contexts.

3. Bamboo and Cane Crafts: The Rongmei Nagas exhibit remarkable skill in crafting a diverse range of items using bamboo and cane, resources abundant in their region. Their creations encompass baskets, mats, trays, and essential household utensils. Beyond their utilitarian function, these crafts radiate artistic finesse, serving as a testament to the community's craftsmanship.

4. Wood Carvings: Wood carvings stand as a prominent facet of Rongmei Naga artistic expression. The finely carved wooden sculptures and decorative pieces often depict mythical creatures, animals, and symbols deeply ingrained in their cultural heritage. These intricately carved creations find purpose in religious rituals, embellishing homes, and fostering community connections.

5. Pottery: Traditional pottery is an integral component of Rongmei Naga culture. The art of crafting pots, jars, and containers using clay is central to their culinary practices, storage needs, and domestic rituals. These pottery pieces feature distinctive designs and shapes that hold significance specific to the community.

6. Musical Instruments: Music occupies a cherished place within Rongmei Naga culture. The community crafts a variety of musical instruments, including drums, flutes, gongs, and bamboo-based instruments. These melodic tools accompany festivals, celebrations, and cultural performances, resonating with the rhythm of their traditions.

7. Jewelry and Ornaments: Jewelry and ornaments carry both aesthetic allure and profound cultural significance for the Rongmei Nagas. Meticulously fashioned from materials such as beads, shells, and metals, these adornments include necklaces, bracelets, earrings, and traditional hairpins adorned with intricate designs. These pieces serve as emblematic markers of identity and societal status.

8. Cultural Artifacts: The Rongmei Naga community employs an array of artifacts in their traditional ceremonies, rituals, and festive observances. Among these are masks, ritual objects, and symbolic items that form an integral part of their cultural practices, embodying ancestral wisdom and communal unity.

The artifacts of the Rongmei Naga resonate with a profound connection to nature, spirituality, and the legacy of their forebears. Each artifact carries within it narratives, traditions, and cultural values, perpetuating the distinctiveness of their heritage across generations.

Chaakan Gaan-Ngai

INTRODUCTION

Image: A-pao

Gaan Ngai Festival: Nurturing the Heart of Zeliangrong Culture

Culture, tradition, and religious practices are threads that intricately weave the identity of a community. For the Zeliangrong people, the Gaan Ngai Festival stands as a pinnacle, embodying their cultural and religious essence. This festival, also known as Chaakan Gaan-Ngai, serves as a vibrant tapestry that not only unites the Zeliangrong community but also reflects their historical journey and spiritual connection. From its origin to its modern-day celebration, Gaan Ngai Festival holds a special place in the hearts and lives of the Zeliangrong people, residing in the states of Manipur, Nagaland, and Assam.

A Triad of Names and Uniting Essence

The Zeliangrong community, a collective term for Zemei, Liangmai, and Rongmei (Kabui) tribes, along with Puimei, came into being on February 15, 1947, at Keishamthong Kabui Village. Gaan Ngai Festival, also known as Gin-Ngi among the Liangmai, Hega-Ngi among the Zeme, and Chaakan Gaan-Ngai or Chaakak Ngai among the Rongmei (Kabui) and Puimei, serves as a bridge that connects these various tribal identities into a harmonious celebration of their shared heritage.

The Journey of Recognition and Celebration

The history of Gaan Ngai Festival, much like the tale of the Zeliangrong people, is a narrative of perseverance and recognition. In 1976, during the R.K. Dorendra Ministry, Gaan Ngai Festival was granted restricted holiday status in Manipur, a testament to the efforts of various Zeliangrong organizations. This recognition marked a significant step toward acknowledging the festival's cultural and religious significance.

The festival's journey toward recognition, however, wasn't without its challenges. The Ibobi Singh-led government removed Gaan Ngai Festival from the holiday list in 2003. However, public outcry and media pressure compelled the government to restore its rightful place. This episode underscores the festival's deep-rooted importance to the Zeliangrong community and their unwavering commitment to preserving their cultural heritage.

Gaan Ngai: A Celebration of Abundance and Spirituality

Gaan Ngai Festival, a post-harvest celebration, paints a vivid picture of Zeliangrong culture and spirituality. Falling in the winter season, the festival's name itself reveals its essence: "Gaan" translates to winter or dry season, and "Ngai" signifies a joyful festival. The festival's roots trace back to the time when the Supreme God, Ragwang, created the universe and all that resides within it.

The Zeliangrong people, once living in harmony with gods, experienced turmoil due to the gods' dominance. Legends recount the transformation of men into khoidai (bees), signifying a rebellion that led to the expulsion of gods from the communal dormitory known as Khangchu. This act of defiance brought peace to the Zeliangrong people, a pivotal event commemorated through Gaan Ngai.

Rituals and Customs: Nurturing Tradition

Gaan Ngai Festival carries a rich tapestry of rituals and customs, each contributing to its holistic celebration. The preparation for the festival begins months in advance. The collection of plant trunks, known as Taa bang or Tamu bang, symbolizes the festival's fire-making ritual. This fire, believed to be sacred and auspicious, is produced through the art of rubbing and pressing these trunks.

The festival's schedule is meticulously planned by village elders, and designated members of Khangchu (male dormitory) and Luchu (female dormitory) play pivotal roles in executing its events. From offering ritual prayers to the gate-protecting deities to distributing the sacred fire, every aspect of Gaan Ngai holds spiritual significance.

Embracing Change while Honoring Tradition

As Gaan Ngai Festival evolved through time, certain changes have occurred, while the core essence remains intact. Modern conveniences have replaced certain traditional practices, and the vibrancy of folk stories and songs has endured the test of time. Despite these changes, the festival's soul remains rooted in its spiritual connection, fostering unity and gratitude among the Zeliangrong community.

Gaan Ngai Festival is a living testament to the Zeliangrong people's resilience, cultural pride, and deep-rooted spirituality. From its humble origins to its recognition as a significant holiday, this festival serves as a bridge between generations, reminding them of their ancestral heritage and the importance of cherishing their roots.

As the Zeliangrong community gathers to celebrate Gaan Ngai Festival, they partake in a shared legacy, nourishing their cultural identity while embracing the winds of change. In their celebrations, rituals, and camaraderie, they continue to preserve the heart of their culture, ensuring that the flame of Gaan Ngai burns brightly for generations to come.

1. Ngai Guangmei (First Day of Chakan Gaan-Ngai)

Rani Gaidinliu and Heraka Religion

Rani Gaidinliu, often hailed as the "daughter of the hills," was a formidable figure in India's freedom struggle, particularly in the northeastern region. Her life, spanning from 1915 to 1993, was a testament to courage, spiritual conviction, and an unwavering commitment to her people's identity and autonomy against the oppressive British colonial rule. Born into the Liangmai tribe of the Naga community in Nungkao village, Manipur, Gaidinliu's early life was deeply rooted in the rich cultural and religious traditions of her indigenous community. This upbringing profoundly shaped her worldview and fueled her later resistance against external influences that threatened her people's way of life.

wikipedia.org

Her journey into the nationalist movement began precociously at the age of thirteen, when she became an ardent follower of her cousin, Haipou Jadonang. Jadonang was a charismatic Rongmei Naga spiritual leader and social reformer who initiated the Heraka movement. This movement was a powerful blend of religious revivalism and political awakening. Religiously, it sought to revitalize ancestral Naga religious practices and customs, advocating for a return to indigenous beliefs in the face of growing Christian missionary activities. Politically, it was a direct challenge to British authority, aiming to liberate the Naga people from colonial subjugation and restore their traditional self-governance. Jadonang's vision of a sovereign Naga homeland and his prophecies about the end of British rule resonated deeply with the various Naga tribes, garnering significant support.

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Under Jadonang's mentorship, Gaidinliu rapidly assimilated his teachings, becoming a passionate proponent of the Heraka faith. She accompanied him on his extensive travels, disseminating the movement's message and galvanizing the Naga youth. Her innate leadership qualities, characterized by eloquence, bravery, and a profound empathy for her people's aspirations, quickly made her a prominent figure. However, the British, perceiving Jadonang's escalating influence as a grave threat, arrested him in 1931 on charges of sedition and executed him. Far from extinguishing the movement, Jadonang's martyrdom served as a catalyst, igniting a fiercer determination among his followers, with Gaidinliu courageously stepping forward to assume his mantle.

Despite her tender age, Gaidinliu fearlessly took the reins of the Heraka movement, transforming it into an even more potent force against the British. She exhorted her people to defy British laws, refuse to pay taxes, and resist forced labor (begar), which were deeply resented colonial impositions. Her message struck a chord with the disillusioned Naga populace, who had long endured the exploitative policies of the colonial government. She orchestrated armed resistance, employing effective guerrilla warfare tactics against the superior British forces. Her followers, though often armed with basic weapons, were propelled by an unyielding spirit of defiance and an unwavering faith in their young leader.

Gaidinliu's campaigns transcended mere political independence; they were intricately intertwined with her broader vision of cultural and religious resurgence. She championed the Heraka faith as a vital bulwark against the aggressive proselytizing efforts of Christian missionaries, whom she viewed as instruments of British cultural imperialism. She firmly believed that safeguarding their indigenous religion was paramount to preserving their unique identity and preventing the erosion of their traditional way of life. This powerful fusion of spiritual conviction and political resistance earned her the honorific "Rani" (Queen) from Jawaharlal Nehru, who recognized her extraordinary courage and leadership during his visit to Manipur in 1937.

The British administration, increasingly alarmed by Gaidinliu's burgeoning influence and the escalating frequency of rebellions, launched extensive military operations to capture her. They offered substantial rewards for her apprehension and deployed armed police and Assam Rifles personnel in a relentless pursuit. For four arduous years, Gaidinliu remained elusive, constantly moving from village to village, tirelessly mobilizing support and leading her followers in open defiance. She became a living symbol of resistance, inspiring countless individuals to join the movement. Her legend grew with each evaded capture, solidifying her status as a folk hero among the Naga people.

In October 1932, after an exhaustive pursuit, Gaidinliu was finally captured by British forces from the Pulomi village in the North Cachar Hills. She was a mere seventeen years old at the time of her arrest. She was subsequently tried on charges of murder and incitement to violence and sentenced to life imprisonment. She endured fourteen years in various prisons across Assam, including Guwahati, Shillong, Aizawl, and Tura. Despite the harsh conditions and prolonged incarceration, her convictions remained unshaken. Her imprisonment, far from breaking her spirit, only fortified her resolve and further cemented her image as a martyr for her people's cause.

With India's independence in 1947, Rani Gaidinliu was released from prison, a direct result of the persistent efforts of Jawaharlal Nehru, who had been profoundly moved by her story during his involvement in the freedom struggle. Upon her release, she continued to dedicate her life to the welfare and upliftment of her people. She tirelessly advocated for the official recognition of the Heraka faith and campaigned for the cultural preservation of the Naga tribes. She also played a significant role in fostering inter-tribal harmony and promoting integration within the broader Indian nation.

Rani Gaidinliu’s contributions extended beyond the pre-independence era. She remained a prominent figure in post-independent India, actively participating in social and political movements aimed at securing the rights and welfare of the Naga people. Her unwavering commitment to her people's identity and her tireless efforts for their betterment earned her numerous accolades and widespread respect.

In recognition of her immense contributions to the nation, Rani Gaidinliu was bestowed with the Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award in 1972, followed by the Padma Bhushan, India's third-highest civilian award, in 1982. She also received the Vivekananda Seva Award in 1983. The Government of India further honored her legacy by issuing a commemorative postage stamp in 1996 and a two-rupee coin in 2015, marking her birth centenary.

Rani Gaidinliu passed away on February 17, 1993, at the age of 78, leaving behind an extraordinary legacy of unparalleled courage, spiritual conviction, and unwavering dedication to her people. Her life serves as an inspiring testament to the power of indigenous resistance against colonial oppression and the enduring spirit of a woman who dared to challenge the might of an empire for the freedom and cultural integrity o her community. She remains a cherished figure, a symbol of resistance and cultural pride, not just for the Naga people but for the entire nation. Her story is a poignant reminder of the diverse and often overlooked narratives within India's struggle for independence, highlighting the crucial role played by regional leaders and indigenous communities in shaping the destiny of the nation. Her steadfast commitment to her ancestral faith and her people's self-determination continues to inspire generations, reinforcing the importance of cultural identity and the fight for justice and autonomy.

Notes:

1. "Rani Gaidinliu," Cultural India, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.culturalindia.net/indian-history/freedom-fighters/rani-gaidinliu.html.

2. "Rani Gaidinliu: The Naga spiritual leader who fought the British," The Economic Times, accessed July 26, 2025, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/et-explains/rani-gaidinliu-the-naga-spiritual-leader-who-fought-the-british/articleshow/88636735.cms.

3. "Rani Gaidinliu: Freedom Fighter and Spiritual Leader," India Post, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.indiapost.gov.in/VAS/Pages/StampCollecting/Stamps.aspx?CatID=3.

4. "Rani Gaidinliu: The forgotten freedom fighter of Northeast India," Firstpost, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.firstpost.com/india/rani-gaidinliu-the-forgotten-freedom-fighter-of-northeast-india-2495368.html.

5. "Heraka movement," Wikipedia, last modified July 20, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heraka_movement.

6. "Rani Gaidinliu: A Naga Freedom Fighter," Government of India, Ministry of Culture, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.indiaculture.gov.in/rani-gaidinliu-naga-freedom-fighter.

7. "Biography of Rani Gaidinliu," Indian Freedom Fighters, accessed July 26, 2025, https://www.indianfreedomfighters.in/rani-gaidinliu.

8. Arkotong Longkumer, "Reform, Identity and Narratives of Belonging: The Heraka Movement in Northeast India" (London: Continuum International Publishing Group, 2010).

9. Arkotong Longkumer, "'Cleanliness is next to Godliness': Religious change, hygiene and the renewal of Heraka Villages in Assam," Contributions to Indian Sociology 45, no. 2 (2011): 181–207.

10. Arkotong Longkumer, "Religious and Economic Reform: The Gaidinliu Movement and the Heraka in the North Cachar Hills," South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 30, no. 3 (2007): 499-519.

11. "Rani Gaidinliu and Heraka Religion," Rongmei Encyclopedia, last modified January 24, 2019, https://rongmeiencyclopedia.wordpress.com/2019/01/24/rani-gaidinliu-and-heraka-religion/.

12. "Heraka The primordial religion," E-Pao, accessed July 26, 2025, https://e-pao.net/epSubPageSelector.asp?src=Heraka_The_primordial_religion&ch=manipur&sub1=Manipur_and_Religion.